A Cameronian apostle: being some account of John Macmillan of Balmaghie

APOSTLE

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Reid, Henry Martyn Beckwith

1856-
A Cameronian apostle

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A Cameronian Apostle

A Cameronian Apostle

BEING SOME ACCOUNT OF

John Macmillan of Balmaghie

REV. H. M. B. REID, B.D.,

BALMAGHIE

WITH TEN ILLUSTRATIONS

A L E X A N D E R G A R D N E R .

Ifubliaber tn Jjler Majeetjj tbe 6iueen

P/VISLEY ; AND 26 PATERNOSTER SQUARE. LONDON

PREFACE

npHE Authfjr of this book is encouraged by the friendly
reception given to his brief notices of Macmillan in the
Kirk above Dee Water, to hope that this more lengthy account
of that remarkable man may interest some. He has tried, as
far as possible, to make the work interesting to the general
reader, and, at the same time, strictly accurate and faithful as a
lecord of facts.

The controversy, which cost Macmillan his place and emolu-
ments as a parish minister, is not dead, or even sleeping.
Recent movements in ecclesiastical circles prove that " spiritual
independence" is still a living principle in many earnest minds.

The author wishes to give cordial acknowledgments to the
following kind friends (among many others) who have gener-
ously and unselfishly helped him in his self-imposed task : —
Rev. J. H. Thomson, Hightae ; Rev. M. Hutchison, New Cum-
nock; Rev. George Laurie, Castle Douglas; Rev. John Tor-
rance, Glasgow; Rev. James Kennedy, New College, Edinburgh;
William Macmath, Esq., F.S.A., Edinburgh; James M'Kerrow,
Esq., Boreland of Southwick; Adam Rae, Esq., Castle Douglas;
J. H. Maxwell, Esq., of the Kirkcudbrightshire Advertiser ;
James Barbour, Esq., F.S.A., Dumfries; Rev. John Reid, of
Minnigaff ; Rev. Walter W. Coats, B.D., of Girthon; Dr. Goold,
Edinburgh ; iTiomas Binnie, Esq., Glasgow ; Rev. T. Colvin,

vi Preface.

of Kirkmabreck ; and last, not least, Dr. John Grieve, a great-
great-grandson of Macmillan, who constantly aided the author's
researches.

A list of books and pamphlets, as exhaustive as possible, is
subjoined.

liAi.MAGHiE Manse,
April, 1896.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Balmaghie Church, showing Remains of) r- .- .■

}■ . Fnmtispttce.
Macmillan s Church, . . . • )

Barncauchlaw, ....

Clachanpluck, ....

John Macmillan of Sandhills, .

Macmillan's Cup and Seal, .

CrossiMichael Church,

Earlston Castle, ....

AUCHENSAUGH HiLL, ....

Flv-leaf of Family Bible.
Macmillan's Monument in Dalserf )
Churchyard, . . .J

To face

))

n
))

))

!)

J)

P(

ige

27
81
39
96

13^

150
176

205

218

CONTENTS.

Preface, ........

List of Authorities, .....

Chapter I. — Setting Sail, ....

II. — Fair Weather,
III. — The Parish, . . . . .

IV. — The Presbytery, ....

V. — Meeitngs and Manners,
VI. — Storm, .....

VII. — Stress,

VIII. — Adrift,

IX. — Anchored, .....
X. — A Parish Schism, ....
XL— The Cameronian Apostle, .
XII. — The Last Storm, ....
XIII. — Summing Up, .....

Appendix, containing Reprints of —

(i) Macmillan's " Trlte Narrative," printed 1704,

(2) Macmillan's "Grievances," printed 1704,

(3) The Presbvtery's "Libel," printed 1705,

(4) Macmillan's " Protestation, Declinature,

AND Appeal," 1708, .....

(5) Macmillan's "Elegy on Mistress Mary

Gordon," 1723, . . . . . .

(6) A Letter to a Dying Friend, Oct. 26, 1741,
Index, ........

PAGE
V.

ix,

9
28
46
63

79
92

108
121
134
149
173
199
209

223
267

27.2

277

286
298
299

WORKS CONSULTED IN THE PREPARATION
OF THIS BOOK.

Pamphlets on the Controversy : —

A True Narrative of the Proceedings of the Presbytery of Kirk-
cudbright: 1704. [By Macmillan himself. Reprinted in
Appendix.]

The Pamphlet entitled A True Narrative Examined and Found
False: 1705. [By Cameron of Kirkcudbright. Contains
also the Libel and Grounds of Sentence.]

Answers to a Paper of Grievances : 1705. [Chiefly by Cameron
and Ewart. Contains also a copy of Macmillan's " Griev-
ances."]

An Account of the Deposition of Mr. John McMillan : 1706.

The Examination of the True Narrative Tryed and Found False :
1706. [By Macmillan.]

The Ravished Maid of the Wilderness: 1708.

Letter to a Friend : 71. d.

Reply to I he Letter to a Friend : 1710.

Reflections on the Reply : n. d. [By Robert Hamilton.]

The Friendly Conference ; or, a Discourse between a Country
Man and his Nephew, who having fallen ofi^ from Hearing,
hath for some time been a follower of Mr. McMillan :
[1711?]

A Short Survey of a Pamphlet, entituled, A Friendly Confer-
ence : 17 12.

The Survey Breiflie Examined : n. d.

The Examiner of the Survey : //. d.

X. Works Consulted.

A Letter from a Friend to Mr. John Mackmillan : 1709. [By
Lining and Webster.]

The Beam pulled out of the Hypocrite's Eye : n. d. [This is a
reply to the preceding.]

A Modest Reply to a Pamphlet, intituled, A Letter from a
Friend: 1710? [By Hugh Clark. Wqdrow (^/;a/., i. 278),
writing in 17 10, says: — "The Modest Apology for Mac-
milian is writt by a club. The Lady C., once a sweet
singer, her son, with Dr. Pitcairn, and Arniston, were the
composers of it."]

'■'The foregoing pamphlets are mostly in the Advocates' Lib-
rary. Macmillan's Exami?iation of the True Narrative Tryed
and. Found Faise, and the tract entitled The Examiner of the
Survey Ofi the Friendly Conference, are in the New College
Library, Edinburgh.

Books bearing on the Period : —

A Testimony to the Free Grace of God, by Monteith of Burgue :
ed. 1841, by Rev. Samuel Smith.

Modern Sadducism : a True Relation of an, Apparition . . .
in Ringcroft of Stqcking in the Parish of Rerwick
in 1695 ... by Mr. Alexander Telfair, Minister of
that Parish. In Nicholson's Historical and Traditional
Tales-, 1843.

The Twice-Christened Bairn. Also in Nicholson, as above.

Tne Presbytery Records of Kirkcudbright, from the year 1700.
The Records of the Synod of Galloway, from the year 1689.

The Kirk Session Records of Minnigaff, from the year 1699.

The Kirk Session Records of Girthon, anno 1700.

A MS. Narrative, by a contemporary, ot events in the Parish of
Balmaghie in 1701-1713. Copious extracts printed in
Glasgow Herald oi August 16, 18, and 23, 1870.

Works Consjiited. xi.

Minutes of the United Societies, from the year 1693. I" the
New College Library.

Scot's Fasti, ed. 1867.

Wodrow's Analecta, ed. 1842.

Old and New Statistical Accounts.

Fraser (of Brea) : A Treatise of Justifying. Faith. Also, Dr..
Walker's Theology and Theologians of Scotland, 2nd edit.,
1888.

Acts of the General Assembly, 1704 to 1708.

Hill Burton's History of Scotlaad.

Principal Cunningham's HistC'ry of the Ciiurch of Scotland,, ed.
T882.

Murray's Literary History of Galloway : .1822..

Rae's History of the Late Rebellion : 17 18.

Patrick Walker's Biographia Presbyteriana.

Adam Gib's Display of the Secession Testimony : 2 vols., 1774.

Nisbet's System of Heraldry : 2 vols., 1816.

Minutes of the War Committee of the Stewartry, 1640-41.
Nicholson : 1855.

Hepburn's Humble Pleadings for the Good Old Way : 1713.

An Informatory Vindication of a Poor, Wasted, Misrepresented
Remnant of the Suffering, Anti-Popish, Anti-Prelatick,
Anti-Erastian, Anti-Sectarian, True Presbyterian Church of
Christ in Scotland, united together in a General Corres-
pondence : 1707. [By Renwick and Shields.]

Johnston's Treasury of the Scottish Covenant : 1887.
=^. M'Kerlie's Lands and their Owners in Galloway : 1877.

Nicholson's History of Galloway : 2 vols

Testimony-Bearing Exemplified. Paisley: 1791.

A Dismal Account of the Burning of our Solemn League and
National Covenant ... at Linlithgow, May 29, i66t,
being the Birthday of Charles 2d. [A broadsheet.]

xii. Works Consulted.

The National Covenant and Solemn League and Covenant,
with the Acknowledgment of Sins and Engagement to
Duties, as they were renewed at Douglas, July 24, 17 12.
Published 17 12. [By Macmillan. An account of the
" Auchensaugh Renovation."]

Scots Worthies, 2nd ed., 1781 [with the appendix of" Judg-
ments upon Persecutors"].

Reformed Presbyterian Magazine: 1869, 1S70.

Johnston's Place-Names of Scotland : 1892.

Gibson's Tombstones of the Covenanters.

Dr. Kerr's Covenants and the Covenanters : 1895.

Dr. Thomson's Thomas Boston of Ettrick : 1895.

Binnie's Sketch of the History of the First Reformed Presby-
terian Congregation : 1888.

The Kirk above Dee Water : 1895.

William Wilson's Steps of Defection : August 2, 1721. [MS.
original in New College, Edinburgh.]

Observations on a Wolf in a Sheepskin : 1753.

Scots Magazine : 1753.

Hutchison's History of the Reformed Presbyterian Church :
T893.

Burns' Scottish Communion Plate : 1892.

Mackenzie's Galloway.

Chalmers' Caledonia.

A CAMERONIAN APOSTLE.

CHAPTER I .

1669-1700.

SETTING SAIL.

Reasons for present work— Birth at Barncauchlaw, 1669 — Glenhead Con-
fession of Faith — Minnigaff Records and Tomb stones — Boyhood and
Youth — College Days — Relations to United Societies at College-
Reasons for entering the State Church — Divinity Studies — His Scholar-
ship and Piety.

T PROPOSE, in this volume, to give as ftill an account as
-*- the documents within my reach permit, of the life of John
Macmillan. Although few, comparatively, know or care much
about the subject, there are more reasons than one for under-
taking this task.

For one thing, no attempt at a complete life of this remark-
able man has, so far as I know, ever been made, if we except
the brief sketch by Mr. Thomson of Hightae in the Reformed
Presbyterian Magazine.'^ This account of Macmillan is charac-
teristically accurate, but it does not go into minute detail. Mr.
Thomson's investigations are embodied in the present work,
while a considerable mass of additional matter has been

* See the volumes for 1S69 and 1S70.
B

lO A Cavieronian Apostle.

obtained. The notices of Macmillan in works on Scottish
Church History are very meagre. In Cunningham, for instance,
he has hardly more than one short paragraph allotted to him.*
And this contains simply a discreditable piece of gossip. In
these circumstances, and considering the renewed interest taken
at 'present in questions of Church government and establish-
ment, there seemed to be some room for a detailed treatment of
a career which covers so interesting a period as that embraced
between 1690 and 1750.

Again, the personality and position of Macmillan seem worthy
of some degree of consideration. He was, undoubtedly, a man
of unusual force and determination. He was the first of that
group of stalwart Scotsmen, of whom it has been well said : — -
" The Macmillans, the Fairleys, the Thorburns, the Hender-
sons, the Rowatts, the Symingtons, the Goolds, were not little
men. Most of them were men of stature, men of presence,
even corporeally, and all preachers of the gospel and witnesses
of the truth. They were men who would have adorned and
enriched any Church in the world.'' t For many years he
fought the battle of the Covenants alone, and he fought it on
lines of policy and wisdom. I have tried to indicate his position
among the " Suffering Remnant " by calling him " a Cameronian
Apostle "; for, during the long period of thirty-six years, he was
the sole ordained minister among the scattered congregations of
the "Society" people. The name seems not unfitting, and it
receives a certain sanction from the authority of Dr. Cunning-
ham, who styles him the "high-priest" of the Societies. Such
a designation could only be given to one who held a very im-
portant position among his followers. On this ground, therefore,
he deserves a memorial.

* Cunninghim's CIi. His/., ii., 228 ; Fasti, ii., under Balmaghie.
t Rev. J. M'Dermid, 1875.

Setting Sail. 1 1

Further, Macmillan's stoiy is also ihe record of the develop-
ment of a most interesting side of Scottish Church life. He
may be said, indeed, to have made the history of what, at last,
became the Reformed Presbyterian Church. This is so true,
that that Church long bore the popular name of the " Mac-
millanites." And the name of Macmillan is bound up with
more than one congregation still existing.*

ft may be added, that as one born and bred in the province
of Galloway, in fact, a true " Galloway man," Macmillan has a
special interest for the large class of readers who now relish and
seek after Galloway lore. Also, the writer of this volume
humbly conceives that, as an unvvorthy successor in the cure of
Balmaghie, he has some degree of official function in his present
undertaking. At all events, he is laying his stone upon the
memorial cairn of one who, whatever his faults may have been,
was once the idol of the whole parish, and whose memory is
even yet green around and within the parish church.

The received statement as to Macmillan's birth is that it took
place at Barncauchlaw, a solitary hill-farm in the parish of
Minnigaff, Kirkcudbrightshire, in the year 1669. This was the
year in which the "Assertory Act" of Charles II. was passed,
declaring the King's " supremacy over all persons and in all
causes ecclesiastical " : the first Act repealed at the Revolution.
The old house of Barncauchlaw is still standing, although it has
been much added to. It lies about four miles from Newton-
Stevvart, and 4^ miles further on is the tall column which com-
memorates the learning and genius of Murray. The visitor
reaches the little steading by a steep pathway up the hillside,
and on arriving at the summit he finds himself confronting a
vast expanse of mountain scenery. Hill after hill rolls away

* e.g., Macmillan Church, Castle-Douglas ; Great Hamilton Street Cluuch,
Glasgow.

12 A Cameronian Apostle.

toward the horizon. The prospect on a summer day is full of a
peaceful charm. In the dead of winter it is distinctly sublime,
but at the same time somewhat appalling. In the winter of
1895, tliese mountainous wilds were wrapped for weeks in snow.
An idea of the scene may be gathered from the homely fact,
that 4000 sheep encamped close to the farmhouse, driven down
from their high pasture-lands by the tremendous drifts. Sheep-
farming has been the industry pursued all around from time im-
memorial. The farmer often does not know the exact acreage
of these wild lands, or even the exact number of his sheep.
Bavncauchlaw is only one among many lonely steadings dotting
the landscape. In most of these there have been, or are,
families of the name of Macmillan.* There are Macmillans at
Palgown and Glenhead still, and there used to be Macmillans
in Dallash. Curiously enough, there is no recoverable tradition
that there were Macmillans in Barncauchlaw, where the birth of
the Reformed Presbyterian Father is generally located.

Entering the farm kitchen, one sees that here is the old
interior, very httle altered in 200 years. The wide ingle-neuk
still remains, though the great oaken beam overhead was
removed some years ago. Within this warm corner the little
fellow doubtless sat at evening time, when his father conducted
the unfailing worship. In another part of the old house a small
chamber may be seen, where possibly he first saw the light.
From the Utile narrow window there is a glorious view of the
hills. Till quite lately, there were Cameronians living here, and
the lamented Mr. Goold of Newton-Stewart paid regular pastoral
visits. Now, the inmates wend their way to the parish church
of Minnigaff.

* Nicholson (Book of the War Coiinnittee, p, 74,) says : — " ... at
one time M'Millan was the predominant name in nearly all the upper district
of the Stewartry." The name is common in Newton-Stewart among families
and on public buildings, such as the Macmillan Hall.

Setting Sail. 13

There is a remarkable lack of authorities, near the time, for
the usual account of Macmillan's birth. The first time the
statement appears in print, so far as I can find, is in the Scots
Magazine of 1753, the year of Macmillan's death. Apparently
it has been faithfully copied by succeeding writers, such as
T. H. Thomson and Mr. Hutchison. While accepting the
usual date and place, I think it right to mention that, as to the
place, there is evidence of a different impression among Mac-
millan's own contemporaries. In the preface to the Presbytery's
Examitiation, printed in 1705, the following curious passage
occurs : —

" When this man was under trials before the Presbytery,
though the brethren knew that since he had been a boy he was
a separatist, till that some years preceding that time, he broke off
therefrom, and attended on the public ordinances ; yet they
knew not that he had ever been so bigot a separatist as indeed
he was ; the brother, in whose parish he was born, and lived
when a separatist, who is now again a member of the Presbytery
of Kirkcudbright, having been then a member of the Presbytery
of Wigtown, by the annexing of his parish thereto. . . ."

The statement here is valuable, coming so near the actual time.
It fixes the place of birth in some parish which had been
recently re-annexed to the Kirkcudbright Presbytery. In the
Records of that Presbytery, which begin in 1700, it is minuted
on March 18, 1701, that Kells had been re-annexed. Macmillan
was licensed to preach on November 26, 1700, when, of course,
the minister of Kells was not a member of the Presbytery. The
impression among the members was, that he had been born and
brought up in Kells within the knowledge of Andrew Ewart.
who was ordained there in 1692 at the age of 31.* At that
date, if born in 1669, Macmillan would be 23 years old, and

* Fasti, ii.: Synod Records.

14 ^ Canieronian Apostle.

could scarcely be said to have been a "boy." At his license
he would be 31 years old.

Kells is the next parish to Minnigaff, and possibly the passage
above quoied is reconcilable with the Barncauchlaw tradition, if
we suppose that Macmillan, though born in Minnigaff, had early
removed to Kells and been employed there on some farm. We
may conjecture that at the Revolution he "broke off" and
attended Kells church, so that he came within the intimate
knowledge of Mr. Ewart.

The minute of Presbytery, August 20, 1700, when his trials
for license began, says : —

" Mr. John Macmillan, . . . having lived in the bounds
from his nativity, except the time of his being at the college,
being well known and of good report among the
brethren and in the bounds ..."

At this date, Kells does not appear in the sederunts \ but " the
bounds " may refer to the Synod of Galloway's bounds, or it
may be a natural slip, as Kells had formerly been in the Presby-
tery's bounds. But Minnigaff never was.

On the whole, these passages seem to suggest, at the least,
that Macmillan had spent his boyhood and early years in the
parish of Kells, although perhaps born in the neighbouring
parish, Minnigaff.*

In visiting the farm of Glenhead, in Minnigaff, I found a very
old Q.o\))' of the Confession of Faith in the possession of the
tenant, Mr. John Macmillan. | It is probably the original
print. On a fly-leaf are written several names, by way of family

* This is Mr. Thomson of Hightae's view, Ref. Presby. Mag., 1869,
p. 306.

+ See, for a genial reference to this gentlenian, Mr. Crockett's charac-
teristic preface to Men of the Moss-ha^s, 1895.

Setting Sail. i 5

register, subscribed by Alexander Macmillan, 27th December,
1732. I copy these names, so far as legible : —

1. [Part torn or burned] - born 1664.

2. John iM'Millan, - - ,, 1682.

3. James M'Millan, - - „ 1692.

4. Mary M'Millan, - - „ 17 15.

On another leaf is a note, as follows : —

" James M'Millan aught this book,
God give him grace theieon to look ;

And I grant it may be restored to my son John M'Millan at my death ; as
witnesseth my hand the 12 of February, 1732.

"James M'Millan."

If the John of this volume was the future minister, his birth
took place in 1682 ; and at license in 1700, he would be only
eighteen years old. He might well have been born at Barn-
cauchlaw still, since it is but a dozen miles away from Glenhead.
If it be urged that eighteen is an age too youthful for license,
we have only to quote the following remarkable figures from the
Scots Wort/lies, taken at random : —

John Welsh, born 1570, minister at Selkirk, Kirkcudbright,

and lastly at Ayr, in 1590 : aged 20.
James Mitchell, born 162 1, A.M. at 18.
Andrevv Gray, born 1634, licensed at 19.
Hugh Binning, became Professor of Philosophy in Glasgow

University at 19.
Hugh M'Kail, born 1640, licensed when about 20.

To which may be added —

Thomas Boston, born 1676; A.M. in 1694, at 18.*

Now-a-days, license to preach is not granted till the age of 21.
Principal Tulloch, as Mrs. Oliphant relates, was kept back be-
cause he was not of age. "Why was I not born two months

* Dr. Andrew Thomson's Thomas Boston of Ettrick, p. 36.

1 6 A Caineronian Apostle.

sooner?" * he writes, in a letter to his future wife, when he had
passed his " trials for license," but had got no license after all.
But in the seventeenth century, mere striplings were ennployed
as domestic "chaplains," and were frequently admitted to the
position of probationers. Macmillan himself, when he applied
for license, was described as "chaplain to the Laird of Brough-
ton."t Thomas Boston was in a similar position at Kennet
before he had reached the age of twenty. %

A careful examination of the Minnigaff Kirk-Session Records
discloses no relevant fact, unless it be deemed such that a
^'■John McMillan in Craigencailie " was a member of the Kirk-
Session in 1699. A still more searching inspection of the silent
memorials in Minnigaff churchyard, in which the present able
and scholarly minister, Mr. John Reid, gave valuable help,
shows that there is absolutely no mention of Barncauchlaw or
Glenhead. By common tradition, the family stones are two in
number, but the older does not go back further than 1747,
when it records the death in that year of ^'■Martin McMillan in
Kirkiand" aged 50; of Anthonj', who died in 1760; and of
Anthony's father, James, who died in 1763, aged 71. This last
was therefore born in 1692, and is perhaps the "James
M'Millan " of the Glenhead Confession of Faith. The stone is
said to be " erected by Patrick McMillan in Claycroft''' and by
'■'■ James ^^'■Miliafi and Anthony his son in Caidons, and Williatn
M'^Millan and Patrick his son in Woodland, and William
McMillan, son to the said Martin." Here, as was remarked
already, is no word of Glenhead, but Caidons is near that farm,
and families shift from place to place. The only thing certain
is, that the parish was full of Macmillans. The universal belief

* Mrs. Oliphanl's Life of Principal Tulloch, p. 26.

t Presby. Rec, Aug. 20, 1700.

X Dr. Thomson's Boston of Eihick, p. 39.

Setting Sail. 17

is, that these were the original stock. The second and modern
stone commemorates " Basil M'Millan, mercht. in Newton
Stewart," who died in 1843, ^g^d 72, and was the munificent
donor of the fine Macmillan Hall. On the older stone is massed
a remarkable body of symbols. At the top is something very
like a mitre. Then there are the cross-bones, skull, hour-glass
with wings, coffin, and cherub, along with floral carvings. It is
worthy of note, that John Macmillan, the subject of our inquiry,
had a brother named James,* to whom Wodrow refers as having
on one occasion approached the Presbytery in a vain attempt to
effect an accommodation. | To conclude these remarks, which
are placed here in the faint hope that some further light may
yet be thrown on the question of the birthplace, Nisbet in his
Heraldry states that Andrew Macmillan of Arndarroch, in the
barony of Earlston, Dairy, appears in a writ dating 1569; and
Nicholson \ adds that our John Macmillan was descended from
the same family. Then, in 1587, there was a "John M'MoUan "
in Brockloch, Carsphairn. Nicholson also mentions " William
M'Millan of Caldoni, in Balmaclellan, ' as a sufferer in the pre-
latic times. Is Caldoiv an error for Caldons ? The subject
must be left in this doubtful state, but it is at least clear that
Macmillan belonged to no mean family, and yeoman as he was,
had very ancient blood in his veins.

What has already been quoted from contemporary documents
reveals the interesting fact, that Macmillan's boyhood was spent
among the strictest party of the Covenanters. It may be
assumed, that his parents were members of the United Societies
formed in 1681. Their special principles, according to Mr.
Hutchison, were " separation from all other Presbyterians who
accepted the Indulgences, or in any way held communion with
the Indulged, or ceased to be open witnesses ; and separation

* See p. 15. t Analecta, i. 290. X War Commit lee, p. 74, note.

1 8 A Cameronian Apostle.

from the State, as expressed in the Sanquhar Declaration. Along
with this, adhesion to the doctrinal standards of the Church, and
to the whole attainments of the Second Reformation, was re-
quired." '"^ The terms of communion were extremely strict. No
one was received, or continued in fellowship, who " paid cess,
locality, or militia-money to the civil authorities, or stipend to
the curates or indulged clergy." f The taking of any oath or
bond to the Government was forbidden. The members might
not appear in any law-court, or in short have any dealings, either
by themselves or by their agents, with the existing powers in
Church and State.

Brought up as he was from childhood in these principles, we
can understand how strong a hold they must have taken on
Macmillan's mind and heart. His earliest experience must have
been that of attending the hill-meetings, at which the Cove-
nanters assembled for worship. He must have listened con-
tinually to the keen discussions and arguments regarding the
Church, in which they delighted. And sterner aspects were not
wanting. The Sanquhar Declaration was swiftly followed by a
" Proclamation against Field Conventicles," denouncing death
and confiscation of goods against the preachers. It was provided,
also, that any person refusing to disown Renwick's subsequent
Declaration upon oath, might be immediately put to death.
Later, orders were given to " turn out all the wives and children"
of forfeited Covenanters, if it should appear that they had held
any communication with their husbands or parents. It became
a crime, not only to attend such assemblies, as those of the
Society people, but also to have any human intercourse with
those who did so. What was called intercomi/iiuiiiig^ a sort of
Scottish boycotting, laid its victims under a ban, and made
them hunted outcasts. The darkest hour, as is well known,

* History, p. 57. t J hid.

Setting Sail. 19

came in 1685, a date graven on many tombstones in the south
of Scotland. At this time, Macmillan may have been a lad of
sixteen, engaged in pastoral work on a sheep-farm in Kells or
Minnigaff. He was old enough to be deeply impressed with the
fate which overtook more than one poor peasant \\\ the Stewartry.
He must have heard, how Adam M'Quhan, " sick of a fever,"
was " taken out of his bed and carried to Newtown of Galloway
(Newton-Stewart), and the next day most cruelly and unjustly
shot to death . . . for his adherence to Scotland's Refor-
mation, Covenants, National and Solemn League." * He must
have known the story of the first outbreak of h )stilities, between
the Scottish Covenanters and the Government, at Dairy in 1666.
He probably knew that parish thoroughly, since his own family
had sprung from Arndarroch, in the barony of Earlston.f And
so, he had perhaps seen the " Whig Hole " at Altrye, where
many Covenanters took refuge. His relation, William Mac-
millan of Caldow in Balmaclellan, a Covenanting preacher, had
been twice arrested and imprisoned. The whole circumstances
of his boyhood and youth tended to deepen his sentiment in
favour of the sufferers. The very blood in his veins was Cove-
nanting blood.

No wonder that, " since he had been a boy, he was a
separatist." Tlie contrast between the ragged footsore preacher
of the " Hill Folks," and the parish minister who had accepted
the Indulgence and enjoyed manse, glebe, and pension, must
have appealed to any enthusiastic youth. Still more, the spec-
tacle of Christian men and women being hunted to church
under penalties, to endure the ministrations of a hated "Curate"
like Peter Peir^on of Carsphairn, would excite in his heart a
hot indignation.

* See tombstone in Kell.s Churchyard : Gibson's Inscriptions, p. 276.
t Nisbet's HcraL/iy : IVar Committee, p. 75, note.

20 A Cmneronian Apostle.

Macmillan, no doubt, received the usual education of boys of
his degree. We shall have reason, later on, to remark that he
had probably suffered from the stormy times in which he spent
his school-days, as well as the great distances in these extensive
parishes. Schools, also, had largely fallen into decay before the
Revolution. To the end of his life, he shewed weakness in
spelling and grammatical niceties ; but these were common
features among the highest classes of the day. The long interval
during which (if we accept 1669 as the year of his birth), he was
engaged in secular v^^ork, probably tending sheep on some
desolate hill-farm, must already have affected his chances of
rapid progress when he at length went up to Edinburgh Uni-
versity in 1695.

The Matriculation Register under that year shews his signa-
ture, spelled as in the Glenhead Confession —
John M'millan.

Four years before, Thomas Boston had written his name in
the same book. But he came almost fresh from Duns Grammar
School, a lad of fifteen. Indeed, he would have entered in r689,
but for want of the necessary funds. * Macmillan on the con-
trary, according to the received account, was twenty-six years
old when he signed his name and paid his first fee. In his case,
too, it may be that want of money had delayed his entrance.
But I rather incline to think, that the Revolution was the true
cause of the appearance of the tall, serious countryman in those
halls of learning. While Church affairs were unsettled, and the
Societies had to seek training, and even ordination, for their
preachers in Holland, it was a practical impossibility for most
Scottish youths to secure the needful qualifications. Two or
three, like Lining and Boyd, had been sent to Holland and
educated at the expense of the Societies.! James Renwick was

* Boston of Ettrick, p. 38, 33. t Hutchison, p. 108.

Setting Sail. 21

another such protege. But Macmillan had no such fortune,
and so, he had waited for the settlement of affairs which at
length came in 1690. Why did he not go up sooner? It is
only possible to surmise, that the thought of becoming a preacher
grew up more strongly in his mind after the re-establishment
of Presbyterian government. He began to hope, that the
Church would now afford him a sphere in which he could con-
scientiously labour. He dreamed, that the Church of Cameron
and Renwick would yet be seen in all its freedom and purity,
and that the scattered flocks of the hillsides and barns would
find a home at last. It is not at all unlikely, that he had, by
this time, begun to take a part in the religious meetings, which
he had attended from boyhood. And some of the brethren
may have urged him not to neglect the gift that was in him, at
a time when ministers, holding their views, seemed likely to be
scarce. There is ample proof, * that he had held the office of
an elder, before he sought license to preach. And elders, in
those days, were expected to be men of prayer and gifts. Al-
together, it is reasonable to suppose, that Macmillan s movement
toward the University was dictated by a natural vocation, and
that it was delayed till 1695 by the obvious ditTficulties of the
situation in Church and State.

Mr. Hutchison has fallen into error as regards the position of
Macmillan at College. He says.f — " His parents seem to have
belonged to the Established Church, and it was only when he
entered on his Arts course in the University of Edinburgh, that
he became connected with the Societies." But we have seen
that, according to contemporary evidence, he had been " from
a boy a Separatist." During the two years' course in Arts,
therefore, he simply stood where he was, remaining in full fellow-
ship with his covenanting friends. The hour of decision had not

* See Girthon Session Records, as quoted on p. f History^ p. 140.

22 A CaDieroman Apostle.

come. No step needed, as yet, to be taken contrary to the strict
terms of their communion. It is doubtful if he even attended
the parish churches at this period. The document already
quoted says that he only "broke off" some years before his
trials for license, and " attended on the Puhlick Ordinances."
Mr. Hutchison so far agrees, that he makes the rupture coincident
with his entrance into the Divinity Hall. And this may well be
so, since such entrance was a distinct breach of the terms of
fellowship, forbidding the remotest dealing with the Establish-
ment.

We conclude, then, that Macmillan, at his matriculation in
1695, was still a "Separatist,'' and continued to be so till the
close of his Arts curriculum. His progress was unusually rapid,
as he graduated A.M. in 1697, \\hen his name appears in the
printed list of graduates as Joannes McMillan. Although the
degree was not equal, in the amount of knowledge certified by
it, to the M.A. degree of a later time, yet to have taken it after
only two years' study, and after a long time spent in farm-work,
argued much industry and ability in the student. He must
have put his whole heart into his books. Few men, going up
from the country at his age, could have performed the like feat.

The subjects of study, according to Boston's autobiography,
were Latin and Greek, along with " logics, metaphysics, ethics,
and general physics "* — ^in modern phrase. Logic and Metaphy-
sics, Moral Philosophy, and Mathematics or Natural Philosophy.
The Professor of this last was James Gregory, brother of and
successor to David Gregory, one of Sir Isaac Newton's friends
and disciples, and the first to teach the Newtonian system in

Scotland.!

Macmillan now took a step which he afterwards regretted
keenly, although he maintained that his motives were pure. He

■"" Boston of Etlrick, p. 34.

t J. H. Thomson in Ref. Picb. Mag., 1S69, p 306.

Setting Sail. 23

"broke off" from his Society connection in Kells or Minni-
gaff, as well as at college, and began to attend the parish
church. As I have pointed out, he could not help himself
He had decided to give the Established Church a trial. There
alone he could obtain the needful training and license to preach.
In the Societies there was no hope of either, for they now held
a strictly negative attitude, training no ministers, and simply
waiting on events. He acknowledged afterwards that he had
erred at this point. We shall ere long find him subscribing a
very humble confession that he had " displeased the Godly
Remnant and greatly offended them bef)re I entered the
mini^ti}-, and that in my leaving them when then joined with
them." But there is no word here of any discreditable motive
such as is attributed to him in the Presbytery's " Examination."
This is a pamphlet of no less than 60 closely-printed pages,
written in defence of the Presbytery's action regarding Mac-
millan. The author is simply styled a member of Presbytery,
but it is practically certain that he was Andrew Cameron, a
brother of the famous Richard Cameron who fell at Airsmoss.
He was minister at Kirkcudbright, but had previously been
minister at Carsphairn, so that he was familiar with Macmillnn's
country, the Glenkens district. He is described as a man of
"great piety and profound learning."* He did not scruple,
however, to write as follows : " . . I have from an honest
and judicious person, who had it from the man to whom Mr.
Macmillan spake the words ... he spake these words
when he was following his studies, and began first to hear the
ministers of this Church, viz., ' that though he had left the
Separating People, yet he was still of the same mind with them
as formerly, but was obliged to leave them because he could
not have a mean of livelihood amongst them.' " f

* Fasti, ill loco. t Examination, p. 45.

24 A Cameroiiian Apostle.

This piece of gossip evidently refers to the critical time at
which Macmillan had now arrived. So far he had remained in
full connection with the Societies. Now he was induced to
leave them and enter the Divinity classes of the Established
Church. It is at this moment that he is reported to have made
the statement used against him. Some such remark, I believe,
he might have made very naturally and innocently, because
there is not a shadow of doubt that his heart was always with
his old associates. But how could he attain a cure of souls
amcng them ? They formed no Church. Their express con-
tention was that they were a remnant of the true and faithful
Church of Scotland, and that therefore they were not separatists
at all. They could not train, license, or ordain a minister.
Only one Church in Scotland could do so, and Macmillan had
a literal " Hobson's choice." It was either the Established
Church or none. With much hesitation and doubt he entered
on a course which at once severed him from his friends. The
damaging expression — -"he could not have a mean of livelihood
amongst them " — assumes a harmless air if we put modus vivendi
in place of the misleading English phrase, " mean of livelihood."
I imagine that Macmillan used the common Latin phrase, and
that he simply meant .to say that, so far as professional training
towards the ministry was concerned, the Societies could not
help him beyond the Arts stage. At that point he must either
abandon his hopes of the ministry or recognise the Established
Church.

It is not for a moment admitted, however, that he was
actuated by sordid motives. The charge was one frequently
brought against him in later life by those whom he offended.
It may be dismissed with contempt when levelled against a man
who, so soon after obtaining a parish, perilled his whole profes-
sional position for the sake of what he deemed to be truth.

Setting Sail. 25

At a later period, when nearly ten eventful years had flown,
he again sought and found a modus vivendi with the Societies.
But it was so far from being a " mean of livelihood " that it was
only after many years and hardships that a regular stipend was
subscribed to the aging pastor.

In the Divinity Hall Macmillan pursued the same studies, in
the same modes, as Thomas Boston had done a few years before
him. ■'' Hebrew was taught by Rule, and systematic theology
by Campbell. Latin catechisms and treatises were still the
vehicles of instruction. To this practice of catechetical teach-
ing in Latin we trace Macmillan's familiarity with the language,
which he quotes frequently, but in a scrappy and technical
fashion, much resembling a fashionable novelist's use of French.
It was at the Divinity Hall that he formed his little library of
choice theological authorities. A reference to the Narrative
shews that he had been grounded in Turretin, Poole, and the
Confessional Theology. Disputations or discussions on Latin
theses formed part of the class-work. The sole survival in our
day is the Latin exegesis. This practice of discussing some
Latin question was carried outside the class-room into the
Presbytery. We shall find the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright
appointing to its members what were called "common heads,"
such as An bona opera sunt fiecessaria ad salutem, et quomoao ?
'• Are good works needful for salvation, and if so, how ?" This
was propounded f to the minister of Balmaghie, who preceded
Macmillan, and who bore the same name. "Common head "
is communis locus, meaning simply a topic for discussion, a theo-
logical covi7no}iplace. To us, in our day, there seems something
dry and profitless in such discussions, yet they tended to
encourage study, and they gave even country ministers a certain

* See Thomas Boston of Ettrick, p. Tj%, 39.
\ See Presb. Rec, May 28, 1700.

C

26 A Caineronian Apostle.

grasp of the Latin tongue, which at least bestowed the appear-
ance of learning.

There is no evidence, that Macmillan was much of a Greek
or Hebrew scholar, so that the original tongues of Holy Scrip-
ture were probably little known to him. That he was a zealous
Bible student, appears on every page of his Narrative. The
actual amount of scholarship carried away by him from Edin-
burgh, it is not easy to estimate. In the Presbytery's " Exami-
nation," it is said — " . . . as to his trials, they were too
perfunctoriously and suddenly gone through, as the Presbytery
is willing I should, in their name, acknowledge to the world.
And therefore, they do justify the Lord, and own his Providence
to be holy, in all the troubles and afifliction they have had by
this insuiificient man's misbehaviour in the Church. Yet I know
that, which gave occasion to their proceeding as above in his
trials, was the name that he got of piety in the bounds ; and
that they hoped he would be diligent in his studies." . . . *
Coming from a man of " great piety and profound learning,"
this statement certainly bears an unfavourable air as regards
Macmillan's professional attainments. On the score of piety,
it will have the greatest weight as coming from an opponent.
But Cameron magnifies Macmillan's piety at the expense of his
learning, and roundly insinuates that the Presbytery let him oft"
easily, in the hope that he would continue his studies.

It is no derogation from Macmillan's character, to suppose
that he may have found it hard to regain lost time. Let it be
remembered, that at his entry to the Divinity Hall he was about
29 years old, and had for many years been occupied in farming.
He probably knew no Hebrew at all, and of theological works
it is likely that he had no great knowledge. True, he had taken
his Master's degree, but there is no reason to suppose that the

* Examination, p. 43.

Setting Sail. 27

standard, then, was very high. On the whole, as we leave him
at the close of his theological studies, we may conclude, that he
had profited as much by them as was possible in his circum-
stances. And one fact shines out, even by the lamp of hostile
evidence, that he was a man of noted and undoubted piety.
His character, in fact, stood so high for godliness, that even men
of '' profound learning " were ready to overlook some deficiency
in other respects. It is not likely, that we shall blame them,
although they appear to blame themselves. In the choice of
candidates for the Holy Ministry, we should no doubt like to
see piety and learning combined ; but where we cannot have
both in any high degree, we should choose to have rather a little
learning and a great deal of piety, than " profound learning "
along with little piety, or none at all. Macmillan cannot be
called unscholarly, since he received the imprimatur of his
University. And it is quite certain that he was eminently a
man of God, and so far fitted for the sacred profession which
he had chosen.

CHAPTER II.
1700.

FAIR WEATHER.

"Chaplain " at Cally — Applies for License— His "Trials" — Supplies Bal-
maghie— The old-world Probationer — An Elder in Girthon— " Ruling
Elder" — Call to Balmaghie — Suspected of "Separatism " — His Ordina-
tion— A "Scene" — His Vows.

1\ /TAG MILL AN completed his theological studies some time
'^ -^ in 1700, and returning to Galloway, he speedily found
employment such as the young Levites of the Ghurch then
coveted. He became "Ghaplain to the Laird of Broughton,"
an estate and mansion-house lying in the parish of Girthon, and
some neighbouring parishes. The property is now possessed by
Mr. Murray Stewart, and the mansion-house is known as Cally.
Situated near the picturesque town of Gatehouse-on-Fleet, it is
a fine and massive pile, surrounded by an extensive park full of
venerable trees.

Dr. Andrew Thomson describes this practice of seeking tutor-
ships or chaplaincies in county families as being an alternative
to the continuation of the usual divinity course at the "Hall."*
The student put in so many sessions' attendance, and then
placed himself " under the care of one or other of the Presby-
teries of the Church, for theological training and general over-
sight." This is probably a case of post hoc, ergo propter hoc.
The fact seems to be, that after completing the divinity studies
(which were briefer than those now required), the student often

* Boston of Eitrick, p. 39.

Fair Weather. 29

found it convenient to seek a situation as tutor, in order to
support himself while waiting, first for license to preach, and
then for a "call" to labour in some parish. But it is not likely
that such a situation should give scope for " theological training
and general oversight." Nor is it easy to see how a Presbjtery
could train the student within its bounds. In Macmillan's case,
there was at all events little space for such training ; for he spent
only a short time with the Laird of Broughton. Mr. J. H. Thom-
son puts the period down at exactly six months, namely, from
his license on 26th November, 1700, to his ''call" to the parish
of Balmaghie on 29th May, 1701. And he says — " It was the
practice at that period for probationers to remain if possible
within the bounds of their Presbytery . . . and they were
not permitted to preach in another Presbytery without extract
of license." * Mr. Thomson is slightly in error as to the dura-
tion of Macmillan's tutorship or chaplaincy. He was certainly
an inmate of the Broughton house before August 20, 1700, for
in the Presbytery's minute of that date, he is already described
as "Chapelain to the Laird of Brochtoun." This was when he
first applied for license. It is likely, indeed, that he came
straight from his divinity studies to his new situation, perhaps at
May, 1700, so that he may have spent a full year in the plea-
sant and peaceful surroundings of the Laird's house.

It is interesting, also, to note, that Macmillan is officially
described as the Laird's "chaplain," although he was not at
the time a probationer even. Of Boston, on the other hand,
Dr. Thomson says that he " did not claim to possess the func-
tions of a family chaplain" at Kennet; although, in the absence
of his employer, he conducted family worship, t In the eyes of
the parish, however, I rather fancy that he would be regarded as
"chaplain to the Laird," as Macmillan was. The truth is, that

* Ref. Presb. Mag., 1869. f Boston of Ettrick, p. 41.

30 A Caineroman Apostle.

then and for a long time afterwards, such tutorships or chaplain-
cies were the regular avenues to preferment. Many instances
can readily be given of the Laird advancing his "chaplain" to
the post of parish minister,* or urging his appointment in some
other parish. It is true that this became commoner after Queen
Anne's Act establishing patronage; but even prior to that enact-
ment, the landed gentry exercised a paramount influence in the
choice of the ministers.

What duties were done by Macmillan during his stay under
the Laird's roof, we can only conjecture, since no documents
have been found at Cally to throw light on the subject. Very
likely, he had pupils to teach, and it is certain, from his being
styled " chaplain," that he conducted the family prayers. This
brief time of rest and new social experiences must have done
much to fit him for the work that lay ahead. It was a period
of expectancy and probation, especially after he had duly received
his license to preach. He lost no time in applying for this, and
the Presbytery's records give full details as to the " trials " which
were prescribed.

On August 20, 1700, it is minuted : —

" Mr. John Macmillan, Chaplain to the Laird of Broughton,
having lived in the bounds from his nativity, except the time of
his being at the College, during which time his testimonials do
witness his good behaviour and proficiency in his studies ; being
well known and of good report among the brethren and in the
bounds ; having previously delivered some discourses privately
before some of tiie brethren, together with an homily on Matthew
V. 8, before the last meeting at Polsack to their satisfaction, he
is appointed to have an exegesis, An justificamur by/iii operibus
coram Deo / at the next."

From this entry, it is evident that Macmillan had already
been privately on trial before a committee of the Presbytery.

* E.g., M'Kie, the successor of Macmillan.

Fair Weather. 31

These preliminary " trials " took place at Polsack,* a
spot near the present village of Laurieston. The Presbytery
met frequently in those days, at this locality in the parish of
Balmaghie. The usual meeting-place, however, was not Polsack,
but Clachanpluck, which is identified with the lower part of the
village. At other times, they met at Cullenoch, about a mile
off. A glance at the map shows the reason of the choice, since
this is the geographical centre of the Stewartry. In days when
no railways existed, and travelling was chiefly on foot or on
horseback, the members found Clachanpluck f with its outlying
Houses of Cullenoch :J: or Polsack, the most convenient point of
concentration. It is worthy of passing note, that Macmillan's
first appearance before his future co-presbyters and judges was
in the very parish to which he finally received a "call." The
private rehearsing of discourses took place on June 29, 1700, so
that it becomes nearly certain that Macmillan had come almost
straight from the Divinity Hall to be tutor to the Laird of
Broughton. The text of the homily is a fine one ; " Blessed are
the pure in heart ; for they shall see God." The e.xegesis
appointed is simply what the Presbytery usually styles a
" common head," and opened up the old controversy regarding
faith and works.

Considering the slurs afterwards cast on Macmillan's scholar-
ship, during the heat of the controversy, it is desirable to note
also, the emphatic testimony in this extract to his " proficiency
in his studies." It may further be remarked, that the statement

* Polsack means " water of the hawks " : cf. Polshag Burn in Carsphairn,
and see Johnston's Place-Naiiies.

+ Clachanpluck is " hamlet of the plough;" cf. Plockton, and Pluckerston
in Kirriemuir.

t See Examination, p. 43. Cullenoch (pron. AlHahioch) appears also as
Collain, and may mean " woodlands." Compare Cullen, Killean {pro7i.
Killain)=church of John.

32 A Cavieroiiian Apostle.

that the " trials " were " too perfunctoriously and suddenly gone
through," is not borne out by the Presbytery's own records.
We have already seen, that the candidate for license had made
a private appearance, and submitted discourses and a homily,
on June 29, at Polsack. Then he is appointed an exegesis, at
Kirkcudbright on August 20.

Then, at next meeting, at Kirkcudbright, on September 17,
he " had an exegesis and was approven ; he is appointed, for
exercise and addition, 2 Cor. v. 21, against the next." The
text here is — "T^^r he hath made him to be sin for us, JVho knew
no sin." And the prescribed " exercise and addition " {i.e., a
running commentary on the Greek Text, with a dogmatic
exposition at the close) was duly delivered and approven, at
Kirkcudbright once more, on October 29. At this last meeting
it is minuted : — " Mr. Macmillan is to deliver his popular ser-
mon . . . from Matt. xi. 30, sustain his disputes, answer ex-
temporary questions, interpret psalm in Hebrew : Greek Test.
ad apertiiram libri, and his Epocha." The text of the popular
sermon is again a fine one — " Eor my yolie is easy and my bur-
de?i is light." Such sermon, of course, is only called " popular "
in the sense of being a concio ad popiiliim. In the ordinary
sense, it may turn out to be a dreary enough performance,
although Macmillan's popularity as a preacher soon proved that
the term was applicable in every sense. The "popular" ser-
mon was duly delivered and sustained at next meeting, at Kirk-
cudbright, November 26th.

The " trials " had now lasted no less than five months,
and cannot fairly be described as " suddenly gone through."
They may indeed have been " perfunctorious." Presbytery
examinations are still believed to be so. But the record at all
events shews that Macmillan satisfied every test. He gave dis-
courses, homily, exegesis, exercise and addition, popular sermon ;
and he sustained some examination in the Hebrew and Greek

Fair WeatJier. 33

Scriptures. He gave also his Epocha, which seems to have been
a narrative in Latin of some period of Church History. One
such is specified in another case of licensing \ it was a templo
condito Salomom'co, "from the building of Solomon's Temple." *

At the close of these prolonged examinations, on November
26, 1700, Macmillan received license to preach. It is minuted
that he engaged to subscribe the Confession of Faith, and
" declared himself satisfyingly anent the government of the
Church, and his resolution to adhere thereto, conform to the
Acts of the General Assembly anent probationers, in all points."
This was very much the usual form, with the exception of the
clause about " declaring himself satisfyingly," which seems at
times to have been omitted. If the writer of the Presbytery's
pamphlet is to be trusted, the Presbytery had their suspicions ;
for he states that Macmillan was, both at this time and at his
ordination, " expressly engaged to maintain the union, peace,
and concord of this Church, in opposition to schism." And
this, because they "knew that, since he had been a boy, he was
a separatist." t However this may be, Macmillan now received
his commission to prench within the bounds, and was immedi-
ately " appointed to supply at Balmaghie the Sabbath before the
next Presbytery." :|:

At this time, the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright met ordinarily
on Tuesday, continuing its sittings when necessary on Wednes-
day as well. The next meeting was at Kirkcudbright on De-
cember 24th, hence Macmillan's first pulpit appearance at
Balmaghie was on Sunday, December 22, 1700.

He " supplied" the pulpit at a critical time. The unfortunate
parish, after having for years suffered from the minister's ill-
health, had now lain vacant for five months. The vacancy, in

* ^^^ Presby. Rec, September 18, 1700.

t See Examination, p. 43. J Presb. Rec, November 26, 1700.

34 -'^ Cavieroninn Apostle.

fact, was announced at the very meeting which formally took
Macmillan on trial for license, August 20th. It is then minuted,
very curtly — " Mrs. Murdoch and Macmillan are removed by
death since the last." Murdoch was minister of the parish
" across the water," Crossmichael, whose church was in three
years to be the scene of the deposition. Macmillan had
been minister of Balmaghie from the year 1694.* In the Kirk
Session Records of Balmaghie, it is noted, at Macmillan the
second's entry, that no record at all had been kept by the
previous incumbent, " through reason of his valetudinary dispo-
sition, he being always in a dying-like condition." f He died,
as his tombstone recites, on July 26, 1700, aged 37. And
his wife, Catherine Williamson, followed him to the grave on
August 31. Such is the brief record of the first John Mac-
millan, between whom and his successor no relationship has
been established beyond the identity of names. The Presbytery
continued to supply the pulpit once a fortnight till Macmillan
was licensed. After this, they appear to have employed Mac-
millan, along with two others of their licentiates, named respec-
tively Murdoch and Gordon, to fill the two vacant pulpits.
Latterly, Macmillan and Murdoch were directed to supply them
per vices, I or turn about.

This system, of employing probationers to fill vacant pulpits
within the bounds under the Presbytery's oversight, compares
favourably with the current mode of allowing them to wander
over the Church at their sweet will. The newly-fledged proba-
tioner, at the present day, is let loose upon the community with-
out guide or master. He generally succeeds in becoming a
" helper " or assistant in some parish, and thereafter it is not

• Nich. Hist. Gall. II. Appendix, p. 34.

+ Session Book of Balmaghie, Sept. 18, 1701.

J Presb. Rec. March 18, 1701.

Fair Weather. 35

long before he "prints testimonials," "puts in an application,''
and ''gets on a leet." The discreditable "preaching-match"
follows, with its varied scandals. At last, after more or fewer
leets, he touches solid ground, and is elected by a majority, or
in vulgar phrase " gets a parish." The parish which chooses him
usually knows little regarding the candidate beyond what is dis-
closed by his " testimonials." his " trial-sermon," or single ap-
pearance as a competitor, and the gossip or hearsay of the more
active canvassers in the congregation. In this elder time, it was
different. The probationer was utilised within the bounds where
perhaps he had been born and brought up, and where he was
thoroughly well known. In Macmillan's case, he was a Gallo-
way man who had lived all his life in the Stewartry, except dur-
ing the five years, more or less, sj^ent at College in Edinburgh.
Preaching at Balmaghie, he was likely to see among his hearers
more than one who had known him from boyhood. He preached
also, not as a place-seeker or wandering candidate, but as the
delegate and representative of the Presbytery.

Macmillan's first sermon in his future pulpit was preached, as
we have seen, on December 22, 1700. The congregation con-
tinued to hear him frequently in the same official character of
" Presbytery supply " for four months more. The parish had
been vacant nearly nine months in all, when, on April 17, 1701,
the Presbytery records the following : —

" A supplication being presented to the Presbytery from the
Elders of Balmaghie, desiring a minister to preach there on a
week-day, and thereafter to try the minds of the people in refer-
ence to their calling Mr. Jo. Macmillan, appoints Mr. Johnston
to convene the people on Monday come 8 days for the foresaid;
and in case they be found unanimous, to draw up a call to Mr.
Macmillan."

This extract contains the name of Mr. Johnston, who at that
time was mmister of Girthon. He was therefore Macmillan's

36 A Cameronian Apostle.

own parish minister. Not only so, but they stood at this time
in a yet closer relationship. The Session Records of Girthon,
under date December 22, 1700, state that —

" This day Mr. John Macmillan was received as an elder, he
having promised to discharge the said duty as the Lord would
enable him. He is appointed to wait on the Presbytery."

This, be it remarked, was the very day Macmillan preached his
first sermon, as a probationer, in Balmaghie. December was
therefore a memorable month to him. On one and the same
day in December, he was received as an elder, and at once made
a member of Presbytery, as the Session's elected representative.
In December, three years after, he was deposed. On Decem-
ber 2, 1706, he preached his first sermon as the minister of the
United Socieiies. And in the first hours of December, forty-
seven years after, he died. Such coincidences are common, and
have often been remarked.

It must be noted that the Girthon record says that Macmillan
was "received," not "admitted" or "ordained" an elder in
that parish. Hence, he must have been an elder already in
some other parish, and most probably in Kells.* The same
day on which the Session received him, they had first solemnly
signed a declaration of their willingness to subscribe the Confes-
sion of Faith, when called upon to do so \ and they own them-
selves " publicly obliged to adhere thereunto by our National
and Solemn League and Covenants." This is signed by Patrick
Johnston, minister, by eight elders, and by two deacons. Of
the eight elders, two bore the name of Macmillan, viz., Andrew
Macmillan and James Macmillan, so that the new elder added
a third of the same surname to this Session, f It is not stated

* Or Minnigaff, where a "John Macmillan in Craigencallie " was an elder
in 1699.

t See Girthon Session Book, 22nd December, 1700.

Fair WeatJier. '^j

that John Macmillan signed this formula, and probably he was
received after the Session had performed this solemn act. The
reference to the Solemn League and Covenant, however, has
suggested to the present incumbent of Girthon, * my kind in-
formant, that already Macmillan's influence was at work in
favour of the fuller recognition of that document as binding on
the Church and nation.

At their next meeting, December 29, the Session record tiie
fact that "Mr. John Macmillan, Chaplain to John Murray of
Broughton, observed the appointment." In other words, he for
the first tmie sat as a member of court at the meeting of Presby-
tery, held at Kirkcudbright on December 24, 1700.

Before leaving the Girthon period, it may be added that Mac-
millan's own signature appears later on in the Session Book,
attesting that the Presbytery had examined it and found it cor-
rectly kept. He now signs as Presbytery Clerk, an office which
as we shall see, was then held in turn by the presbyters.

Mr. Johnston of Girthon, then, the minister and brother-elder
of Macmillan, proceeded in due course to Balmaghie, and met
the congregation there at a public meeting, in order to " try
their minds" as to giving him a call to be their pastor. This
meeting took place in the church on April 30, 1701. On May
13, Mr. Johnston reported that he had ''obeyed the appoint-
ment." At the same time, a petition was presented declaring
the people's "willingness to subscribe a call, and earnestly desir-
ing that a minister may be sent to moderate in a call " to Mac-
millan. Accordingly, they appointed Andrew Cameron to preach
at Balmaghie on a Thursday and moderate in the call. Cameron
was minister of Kirkcudbright, and the leading spirit in the
Presbytery. It was by a strange irony of events that he was
sent to arrange Macmillan's settlement in a parish, from which

'^ Rev. W. W. Coats, B.D., to whom I owe valuable assistance.

38 A Canieronian Apostle.

he was so soon to advocate Macmillan's summary removal.
This appointment as " moderator in the vacancy " brought
Cameron into intimate relations with the people of Balmaghie,
which he utilised afterwards, in the troubles, to address to them
a " Letter " deftnding the Presbytery's action, and urging sub-
mission to their will.

On June 24, Cameron reported that the people were unani-
mous in the call. Thereupon, " the parish of Balmaghie being
called, compeared James Livingstone, younger of Quintinespie,
etc., from the said parish." These commissioners presented a
formal call, which they asked the Presbytery to "render" to
Macmiilan. The Presbytery found the call " orderly proceeded
and very unanimous," and delivered it to Macmiilan, who was
present. They at once began his " trials for ordination " by
appointing him an "exercise and addition " on Colossians i. 11,
to be delivered five weeks thereafter. The text is, '■''Strengthened
with all might, accorditig to His glorious p07ver, u7ito all patience
and long-suffering with joyfulness" — surely no inappropriate
motto for the troubled and anxious years soon to come to the
new minister of Balmaghie.

The prescribed exercise was read and approved on July 30,
and the Presbytery then appointed the following further "pieces
of trial": — popular sermon on Psalm cxix. 19. (" / am a
stranger in the earth ; hide not thy commandments from me "), —
Psalm 23 in Hebrew, "his Epocha, a creatione mimdi ad
fluvium " (from the Creation to the Flood), and Greek ad aper-
turam libri.

On August 26, these "trials" were undergone: Macmiilan
" sustained his disputes, delivered the Epocha given to him, and
was examined in the Hebrew, Greek, and controversial ques-
tions." He then signed the Confession of Faith, and " satisfied
the Presbytery in the other parts of his trials conform to the
Acts of Assembly." Further, he " obliged himself to adhere to

Fair Weather. 39

the doctrine, discipline, worship, and government of this Church,
conform to our engagements, and to follow no divisive courses,
but submit to the judicatories of this Church, and the Presbytery
in particular." Here is some token of the distrust which
Cameron alleges to have been felt regarding Macmillan, as a
born "separatist." The stringent pledge exacted from Mac-
millan to "submit to the Presbytery in particular," seems to
foreshadow the issue afterwards developed in the conflict, as the
main ground of the Presbytery's sentence, namely, that Mac-
millan had broken his pledge of submission.

However unwilling or distrustful they may have been, the
Presbytery could not resist a unanimous call ; and they pro-
ceeded, in the usual way, to appoint Mr. Samuel Spalding,
minister of Parton, to serve the edict or intimation of the ordi-
nation. The ceremony itself was fixed for Thursday, September
18.

The preceding minute detail of the preliminary steps toward
securing a minister, is not to be dismissed as trivial, since it
reveals a state of things speedily and unhappily altered by the
Patronage Act of 17 12. In 1701, popular election still prevailed.
It is quite true, as Dr. Andrew Thomson points out,* that the
free call of the people was often merely nominal, since the
leading heritor could, as a rule, carry things his own way, as in
the days of pure patronage. Macmillan's election, however, is
absolutely clear of any such undue influences. The leading
heritor, and former patron, was M'Ghie of Balmaghie. But at
this time, and for long after, he was under Presbyterial discipline
and on the verge of excommunication.! Another heritor, the
laird of Slogarie, had just been solemnly sentenced from the
pulpit of Balmaghie with the "greater excommunication." J It

* Boston of Eftric/c, p. 46.

+ Presb., Rec, July 30, 1701, and elsewhere. J fbid. Aug., 26, 1701.

40 A Canieronian Apostle.

was the heir of a very small and unimportant property,
Quintinespie, near Laurieston, who, along with other com-
missioners unnamed, presented the call. Macmillan was the
people's unfettered choice from the first. And this explains, to
a measureable extent, the stedfastness of the people m clinging
to their minister, when his trouble came soon after.

We must now wend our way to the tiny old church of
Balmaghie, which held about loo persons, or 200 at a pinch.
Ordinations in a Galloway country parish are the highest of all
high days. Every man and woman, who can be spared, turn
out to witness a scene all the more impressive, because it may
never be enacted again in the same place before their eyes.
Aged people refer, years afterwards, to the day on which the
minister was " placed,'' as a luminous point of parochial history.
Balmaghie Church was packed, long before its tinkling bell
announced the advent of the Presbytery.

The brethren met first in the modest Manse, and read over
their minutes. The Moderator this day was Alexander Telfair
of Rerrick, the only literary character in the Presbytery ; whose
curious pamphlet, Modern Sadducism, had been published in
1695, and had enjoyed a remarkable success. Two editions
appeared in its first year in Scotland, and one in London.* The
clerk at the time (for the ofifice was held in rotation) was William
Tod of Buittle, afterwards to be Macmillan's fellow protester
for a brief period. Besides these officials, all the other ministers
were present except Bryden of Tongland. Crossmichael was still
vacant, as it had been for the last year. The entire number
of ministers present was eleven, with three elders. The Presby-
tery included fourteen parishes, Carsphairn and Dairy being
still annexed to Wigtown, and the three quoad sacra parishes of
the present list being of course still in the dim and distant
future.

* Nich. Hist, and Tiad. Tales, p. 3, note.

Fair WeatJier. 41

The usual formalities were observed. The "edict" was
returned as served ; the people were three times called at the
church-door to say if they had anything to object against
Macmillan's " doctrine, life, or conversation." None compeared,
and accordingly the Presbytery proceeded to interrogate Mac-
millan in the usual way as to his " subjecting himself to the
Presbytery as at last meeting." He gave satisfactory assurances
on this head.

A move was now made to the church, where Samuel Spalding
of Parton, who had carried through the recent public forms,
preached and presided. His text, a very significant one, was
Luke xii. 42, 43, — '■'• who then is that faithful atidwise steivard V
With these solemn and searching words ringing in his ears,
Macmillan knelt down among his brethren, and received the
imposition of their hands. When he arose it was in a new relation
to the people, and one which neither he nor they were willing to
sever for the space of 26 years. Seldom, indeed, has a closer
bond existed between minister and congregation, than that
which was riveted between Macmillan and Balmaghie. When at
last he himself was forced to break it, the people still clung to
him. And many lived and died, determined to know none
other as their true and lawful pastor.

To us, the scene in the narrow and bare little kirk, on that
September day, seems full of awe and solemnity. But there
were not wanting the usual elements of human frailty. Cameron,
who was present, looked on with suspicion as Macmillan took
the ordination vows. He had exchanged a few words with
Ewart of Kells, once more a member of Presbytery. And
Ewart told him that the Presbytery were receiving a " bigot
separatist " into their number. Rumours, too, soon flew about
that there had been something like a "scene" during the service in
church. Wodrow, with his marvellous scent for discreditable
gossip, got traces of this obscure incident, if incident there was.

D

42 A Cameronian Apostle.

The passage is curious, and worth setting down, if only to show
how untrustworthy his statements are : —

"July, 17 lo. He (Mr. Thomas Lining) likewise told me that
Mr. John Macmillan, when ordained at Balmaghie, after the
sermon he was called up and asked the ordinary questions. He
answered all very distinctly, till the minister came to that, ' will
you promise subjection to church judicatories?' At that time,
he pretended (or if it was real) to faint, and not be able to speak.
And yet, at the next question, he was well enough again, and
answered it. Mr. William Boyd took this disingenuity so ill,
that he presently left them in the time of the action, and took
his horse, and went off. The Presbytery either did not see, or
did not so much observe it, or did not stop upon this incident,
as reckoning him really bound by being there and not refusing
subjection."*

It IS sufficient to point out, on this uncharitable passage, that
William Boyd was not a member of the Presbytery at this time
at all. He did not join it till April 1703, two years and a-half
after the ordination. So, he and his horse ride away into thin
air. And with his disappearance, the whole incident crumbles
away. Lining, whom Wodrow quotes as his informant, was not
of course present either. His account could only be obtained
from his fellow-student Boyd, and Boyd also was not present.
It may quite probably be true, that Macmillan shewed strong
signs of agitation when the question was put. For this was the
very point at issue all along. Were the Church Courts, as then
constituted, entitled to that subjection which is due only to
"free, faithful, and lawfully constitute" assemblies? Were
they free? The Assembly of 1692 had been dissolved by the
High Commissioner in the King's name, in spite of the
Moderator's faint remonstrances. The Assembly of 1693 was
prorogued by royal proclamation to i694.f These facts Mac-

"" Wodrow, Anal. I. 290.

■\ See Infonnatory Vindication, p. 226, ed. \']Ol .

Fair Weather. 43

millan knew, and we shall soon see how deeply they were im-
printed on his memory. Again, were the judicatories faithful ?
Time alone could shew, and this thought sustained him in his
acceptance of the ordination engagement. Were they lawfully
constituted ? He knew, that great numbers of Episcopalian
" curates " sat, or were entitled to sit, as members. The Pres-
bytery, now ordaining him, was itself not quite free from irregu-
larities. The Moderator, Telfair, was commonly reported to
have no regular orders at all. A Committee of the Synod had
actually inquired into his qualifications, and their report was
favourable.* Such scruples must have been in Macmillan's
conscience, and we cannot feel surprised, that he showed out-
ward signs of mental disturbance. It was, also, the most solemn
moment he had yet reached. Everything yet done by him in
recognition of the existing Establishment, appeared small com-
pared with this vow of obedience, which seemed to cut him off
finally from his old associates. But Wodrow's myth, about a
base and childish trick of pretended fainting, has not a shred of
accurate fact remaining. It was the product of bitter dislike
and angry passion, produced in the minds of men, like Lining,
who had quite thrown over their old friends and benefactors,
and who illustrated the maxim, that none are such bitter foes,
as those who have once been dearest friends.

Macmillan took his ordination vows honestly, as he had faced
all his previous " trials." But he could not bind himself to
continue subject to the Church courts, if they at any time ceased
to fulfil their own compact, implicitly made with every presby-
ter. The compact was well enough understood by the subtle
and acute men, who guided the Presbytery. It was, in effect,
this, that the Church, and all her presbyteries individually,
should strenuously labour for the attainment of absolute free-

* Nich. Hist, and Trad. Tales, p. 4.

44 ^ Canieronian Apostle.

dom within her spiritual sphere. Macmillan entered the Church,
prepared to take his part in the work of vindicating the Church's
freedom, and regaining the " attainments," which had been
sacrificed to policy and the urgencies of a Revolution, I am
not at all sure, that he had not been privately encouraged to
expect energetic action of the sort from his Presbytery. Much
of the strong feeling, soon to be displayed on both sides, may
have sprung from the sense of betrayal in Macmillan's mind,
and the sense of questionable compromise in the minds of men
like Cameron, Boyd, and Ewart. The Presbytery, on their own
public confession, knew that their new member was a " separa-
tist," a covenanter of Richard Cameron's school, a " man of the
moss-hags." Yet they admitted him to their fellowship, without
requiring any disavowal of his high and strict Church views.
True, they offer the feeble excuse that they " knew not that
he had ever been so bigot a separatist, as indeed he was." * In
plain language, they fancied that he was as pliable as themselves,
and would settle down in Balmaghie, contented with a few
formal protests and resolutions, never intended to be followed
up by action. They allege, indeed, that he was specially bound
and pledged, but this is, on the face of it, a pure imagination.
No Court can impose anything beyond the legal obligations
entrusted to it. Macmillan was not, and could not be, " ex-
pressly engaged " any more, than other members of the Presby-
tery. He gave the same signatures and promises. If any
additional engagements were wrung from him, they were illegal
and therefore not binding. I believe, however, that Macmillan,
on his ordination day, gave his vows ex atiimo, fully purposing
to be a loyal and faithful minister of the Church. But he
ardently longed and hoped, to see the Church made such as
would be agreeable to his old friends of the United Societies.

* Examination, Pre/ace as formerly quoted.

Fair Weather. 45

The cords of love and earliest association drew him still to these
scattered Covenanters, He went in at the open door, but it was
to hold it open for them. He could hardly, at the time, have
anticipated that the swift course of events, in that stirring period,
would so soon shut the open door upon both them and him,
and thus drive him back to the spiritual home that he had left.

CHAPTER III.

1700.

THE PARISH.

MacmUlaa's predecessors from the Reformation — "Readers" — Vicars —
Alison, an "outed" minister — Kirk, a "curate" — John Macmillan the
first — Macmillan's first Session-Meeting — Size of church — Martyrs in
churchyard — Size of manse and glebe — Amount of stipend — Scenery
near manse and church — Houses of the poor — Their food, dress, and
work — Sunday described — Character of people — Vagrants — Population
— Cotmen — Relief of the poor — Morals of the lairds and common
people — Strict discipline — Families in parish — General description.

T ET US now try to gain some idea of the parish to which we
-*-^ have just seen Macmillan duly called and ordained. At
such a distance of time, this is a difficult undertaking • yet by
piecing our scattered materials together, we may summon up a
faint picture of the Galloway parish of 200 years ago.

The cure was served in 1567, after the changes brought
about at the Reformation, by one of Knox's "readers." At this
time nearly all the Galloway parishes were served by such lay
readers, although some are described as " exhorters." In the
ancient list quoted by Nicholson,* only important centres
such as Whithorn and Kirkcudbright appear as having minis-
ters. Robert Chapman, the Balmaghie reader, received £,20 a
year from the revenues of Holyrood Abbey. The contrast
between minister and reader, or exhorter, is seen in their
stipends. The readers or exhorters were paid sums varying

■■' Hist. Gall., i. 498^ seq. ; Fasti, ii.

TJie Parish. 47

from o/ie inerk to ^^20. The ministers received from :^54 to
^80. These sums, of course, are in Scots money, and the
intelligent reader must divide them by twelve in order to gain a
notion of the incomes of the clergy immediately after the
Reformation.

Readers or exhorters continued to minister at Balmaghie
until 1 601, when the parish had a vicar in the person of John
Fairfoul, A.M. (Edin.), who was presented to the vicarage by
James VL on the 22nd March of that year. He enjoyed but a
short tenure, dying in 1605, at the early age of twenty-eight.
Two subsequent vicars were William Dalziell, A.M., and Hew
M'Ghie, A.M. (Edin.), who is described as " recommended by
William, Bishop of Galloway." The Church at this time was a
curious mixture of Presbytery and Episcopacy. It had bishops,
and yet retained its Kirk-Sessions, Presbyteries, Synods, and
General Assembly. Hew M'Ghie during his ministry provided
a pair of Communion Cups, which Macmillan used constantly
in his turn, and which are associated with the sanctity and
superstitious awe of his name. When the compromise known
as the "First Episcopacy" broke down, Adam Alison, A.M.
(Edin.), became minister. He was a staunch Covenanter, and
accordingly he was deprived in 1662. He appeared before the
Privy Council on a charge of "still labouring to keep the hearts
of the people from the present Government in Church and
State." The case was delayed, but Alison no doubt continued
to visit and teach his flock, in the fields and on the hillsides of
Balmaghie. His place was filled in 1664 by a "curate," James
Kirk, who was " rabbled," along with his fellows in Galloway, in
1689. Scot in his Fasti says that he married "Mistress Eliza-
beth Lauristone, heiress of Drumbeck and pertinents."

In 1693, at the re-settlement of Presbytery, the parish received
as its minister John Macmillan, A.M. (Edin.), the first of the
name in the parish. His ministry ended in 1700, when he

48 A Caineronian Apostle.

died at the age of thirty-seven. As we have seen, he came to
the parish a sick man, and was always " in a dying-like condi-
tion." The result of this unfortunate state was, that the records
fell into arrears, and it may well be supposed that the religious
condition of the parish also suffered in proportion. Macmillan
at his entry on September 18, 1701, found no documents on
which he could base his future operations. But with character-
istic energy, he called his Session together the Sunday after, and
" I. inquired how many elders there was and deacons ; it's
answered, nine elders and two deacons. 2nd. inquired if the
parish was divided into quarters amongst the elders ; it's ansrd.
No — there being a purpose of adding some more to their num-
ber, delays the division of the parish into quarters till the new
addition. 3. inquired what utensils there was belonging to kirk
and parish ; it's ansred.. None, save two cups, two tables, and
boxes for collecting the poor's money. 4. inquired what money
there was out belonging to the poor, and what security they had
for it ; it's ansred., about forty pound Scots. There is 7 pounds
Scots of the 40 for the use of the poor, and otherwise." * It is
added that there were " no delations," i.e., no scandals were at
the time awaiting discipline. The collection at the church on
this first day of Macmillan's ministry was £^2 4s. Scots, or three
shillings and eightpence sterling. It probably represented high
water mark. According to modern estimates, it indicates an
attendance of nearly 1000 persons. As the little church could
not accommodate, even with much crowding, more than 200,
the sermon was probably preached in the open air.

After this memorable day, when he " preached himself in,"
Macmillan had time to take stock of the heritage, into which he
had come. We imagine him wandering round his church, and
going in and out with that sense of possession which warms a

* 6'6'f^. Book of BalinagJiie, September 23, 1701.

The Pans/i. 49

newly-ordained minister's heart. It was nevertheless a pitifully
small temple, measuring about 18 by 12 yards, and of the same
simple type as Rutherford's church at Anwoth. It lay exactly
east and west, with a tiny belfry at the east gable. This gable-end
still partially stands^ the sole relic of the ecclesiastical buildings
of Macmillan's time. It has escaped demolition, because a fine
monument to Macmillan's successor had been built against it
before the old church was demolished and the present one
erected in 1794. Macmillan's homely pulpit stood at the east
end, and the congregation sat on rough benches or stools. The
collection or offering was taken then as still, in boxes handed
round by the deacons or elders. The bare interior was lit by
numerous windows. In a Presbytery minute, dated September
13th, 1727, when a careful inspection was made, the tradesmen
reported " eight windows all wanting glass, save one." These
windows must have been very small, probably three on each
side, and one at either end. The church was slated, while the
manse had a roof of thatch. At the eastern end, lay the tomb-
stone of the " two Davids Hallidays," martyrs of the Covenant.
A little way from the western gable, slumbered George Short, a
poor peasant, shot one night on the parish border, by a party of
Lag's men. Macmillan doubtless often mused over these graves.
He descended the sacred hill, and entered what was to be his
home for 26 years. The manse was, to modern ideas, a very
humble and uninviting abode. The Presbytery minute, already
referred to, shews that it contained only five rooms and a kitchen.
The kitchen, and two principal rooms, one of them the minis-
ter's " study," were on the ground floor. Above, were two bed-
rooms, and a " closet " between. A narrow wooden stair formed
tiie approach to the upper chambers. Built in continuation with
the kitchen, were stable, barn, and byre.*

* Presb. Rcc, September 13th, 1727.

50 A Caineronian Apostle.

There was a glebe, of what extent I cannot discover ; but the
annual value was. estimated by the Court of Session in 1727* at
100 merks, or over ;^ 5 sterling. Probably, tlierefore, it was as
large as at present, viz. : 14 Scotch acres, lying in a ring fence
around church and manse.

The Scottish reader naturally asks, what was Macmillan's
stipend ? From the Old Statistical Account, f we learn that
when augmented in 1786, it was worth about ^112. Assuming
that there had been one previous augmentation, and that each
increment was of three chalders, the stipend in 1701 may have
been about ;^5o.

Macmillan's total emoluments were therefore about ^55 and
his residence, such as we have seen it. But the real proportion,
borne by such an income to those enjoyed by surrounding
gentlemen, cannot be appreciated by using sterling money. If
we remember that ;^5o sterling was equal to about 1000 merks,
we gain an idea of the value of the benefice in those days. The
income was beyond that of many " lairds " at the time, and con-
stituted a very handsome provision in the eyes of the world.

That my estimate of Macmillan's stipend is near the mark,
seems to be probable from what Wodrow says, in one of his
references to Macmillan, where he reports that Macmillan was
about to quit Balmaghie, having received from his supporters a
promise of a stipend of 1000 merks yearly. J It is natural to
suppose that the figure mentioned represented Macmillan's
ordinary income at the time, which was to be made good to him
by his new adherents.

We may now look out from the narrow windows of the
manse, and try to conceive the landscape, and the parish
features generally, as the new incumbent saw them in 1701.

* Hutchison's History of the Reformed Presbyterian Church, p. 158.
t Sinclair's Stat. Ace, 1794, in loco. X Wodrow, ii., 88.

The Parish. 5 i

In full view, as at this hour, the placid river pursued its lazy
course, between low marshy banks. All around were the cot-
tages of crofts or those who earned their daily bread by toil.
On a high mound near the river's edge was the ferryman's
dwelling, close to which lay the ford used by those who travelled
on horseback. Across the water, the parish church of Cross-
niichael could be seen, with its village clustering round.

The houses of the common people would, to us, appear in-
describably wretched. They were built of stone plastered
together with mud, and they had roofs of straw and turf, often
far from providing shelter in rainy weather. The windows, like
those in Balmaghie Church in 1727, had no glass. They were
mere holes in the wall, through which the smoke from the peat
fire escaped, when it failed to emerge through the chimney hole
in the roof. The live stock were sheltered under the same roof
as their owners. Man and beast entered by the same doorway,
and slept in the one undivided chamber.

An aged woman of my own parish assured me, that as late as
the year 1825, she had visited a house in Minnigaff where there
was no door at all, but only an old sheet or curtain hung up as
a substitute. In my own recollection, there were two cottages
in Balmaghie having but one room, with earthen floor, drystone
walls, and a roof of thatch ; and they were lighted by the two
narrow openings already described, although it must be added
that glass now filled the apertures, and a proper vent existed for
smoke.

When Macmillan entered such cottages on his pastoral rounds,
there was often no chair for him to sit upon, but only a stool or
stone. If he found the poor inmates at meat, he saw them each
pull out of his pocket a short horn spoon, which he plunged
into the one wooden dish on the table. This spoon was known
as a innnn. The food was of the coarsest, brose, porridge,
soicens (grain steeped in hot water), and occasionally kail boiled

52 A Cameronian Apostle.

with salt. Animal food was never tasted, except when a sheep
or cow died of disease or old age. Bt-axy, indeed, or the flesh
of a sheep cut ofif by some disease, was the prime luxury of the
Galloway cottager.

The use of tobacco was already becoming general, and whey,
or heather ale was the common stimulant. Tea cost at this time
thirty shillings a pound, and was far beyond the dreams of the
poor.

The dress of the people was on a par with their homes and
fare. A Galloway man wore constantly, even in church, his
broad blue bonnet, made in Kilmarnock. His coat was of
waulked* cloth, and homespun ; his nether limbs were encased
in white woollen hose ; and his shoes were of rough leather, with
one sole. But shoes were discarded in summer, and at other
times wherever possible. Children got none until they were
able to attend church. It must be added that the poor hardly
knew what a shirt was ; if such a thing was worn, it was made
of coarse wool, and seldom saw the wash-tub.

The Galloway w^oman owed little to dress for her charms.
The gown was of most unfashionable cut, and made of coarse
plaiding or drugget. Young girls at home wore no head-cover-
ing, but snooded their locks with a piece of string or ribbon. At
fair or church, they wore white linen mutches, slightly plaited
above the brow. The farmers' wives covered their heads with
coarse white linen toys when they went a-visiting. f

The sights and sounds of daily labour in the fields were quite
familiar to the new minister. He himself had most probably
taken his turn at the clumsy and overweighted plough; drawn by
as many as four oxen and two horses, or by four horses abreast.
Two men were required to manage this implement ; one held

* Hence such place names as Wavdk Mill, and Bleach Mill or Blates Mill,
both in Balmaghie.

+ For all the above, I have drawn on Nicholson's History, II. 332-339.

The Parish. 53

the plough, while the second drove the cattle. A third man
often attended with a fork to guide the coulter in the furrow.
Thus, ploughing was then an eminently social task. Macmillan
also felt no surprise when he saw his female parishioners carrying
out manure on their backs in wicker creels ; for there were no
carts, and, indeed, no wheeled conveyances for the most part.
Burdens were carried on the back whenever possible ; in other
cases, they were conveyed on horseback in panniers.

At this very time agriculture was beginning to rouse itself, and
some of the better land was being redeemed from wild pasture ;
but only coarse gray oats were grown, and the domestic supply
was so small, that actual famine sometimes came very near.
Stories circulated of poor people gathering herbs to make a
meal : almost realizing the cynical advice of the ill-fated Foulon,
" Let them eat grass !" * Such miserable ones Macmillan was
now to succour, according to the noble motto on his own signet. f

The fields had no dykes or fences, so that cattle and sheep
had to be watched night and day during summer. At night the
cattle were folded in turf enclosures, and one or two persons
kept guard, lying under their plaids or blankets in the open-air.
Sometimes, in rainy weather, they crept under a rude shelter of
branches and turf, and so spent the long summer night beside
their charge. Macmillan himself had, in his youth, kept such
" sentry-go " on the Glenkens hills and pastures ; had listened
to the Black Water as it brawled, or the Cree gurgling among
the stones ; and had shared the shepherds' homely talk and tales.

Such was the summer's night fur many Galloway toilers ; but
in the short days of winter, life took on a drearier aspect. At
the darkening, few lights shone in the cottages, for there were
no candles, and parafifin was not yet. When the hour of family

• Cailyle, Freuch Revohidon, I. 86, ed. 1895.
+ Miseris siiccurrere disco. — Aeii., I. 630.

54 A Caiiieronian Apostle.

worship came, a ruffy was lighted. At other times, to secure a
temporary torch, the poor man kindled a heather cow. The
blackness of darkness brooded over the houses, and the inmates,
huddled together for warmth, spent the long night in slumber.

The great event of each week was the Sunday. On the
Saturday night, the men, in default of razors, applied the
shears to their beard, by way of toilet for the next day's duties.
The church was well attended, not for devotion only, but also
for the sake of human intercourse. The people lingered around
the green mounds of the kirkyard, innocent of tombstones for
the most part, although sometimes a rough and nameless slab
of whinstone was placed over a well-known grave. The mourners
knew who lay beneath : the inscription was written in the heart.
There are three or four such stones preserved in Balmaghie
church-yard, mostly very small and of oblong shape. I reckon
them to be the oldest. One, and one only, a long narrow
fragment, bears the quaint inscription — '■''John M'Kine in
Barnbord aught this ston Janu. (?) ryji, as propr right.'"

At eleven a.m. on Sunday, those who wished could hear the
Scriptures read by an elder or other person, within the church.
At noon, the minister came forth from his manse hard by, and
the people flocked noisily into the house of prayer, where they
still wore their blue bonnets while the psalm was sung. But
at the first words of prayer, all stood up bare-headed, and so kept
the dies dominica in the most ancient form. If the congregation at
Balmaghie resembled Boston's flock at Ettrick, they were not so
careful of decorum, as modern notions require. The Ettrick con-
gregation, many of them, were used to get up noisily and leave the
church during service, if their patience became exhausted. And
some never entered the church at all, but continued their loud dis-
cussions in the churchyard.* There is no record of the like,

* Boslon of Ettrick, p. 99.

The Parish. 55

here. But our later narrative will shew, that manners were
ruder and more unceremonious, than at present.

According to a contemporary writer, however, the people of
Balmaghie at this date were " tractable to their minister, and as
submissive to the Presbytery and other judicatories of the
Church as any people in Galloway ; and they were so at the
present Mr. Macmilhn's ordination."* It is added, that under
his ministry, they fell off in these respects ; but this will be a
matter of opinion. After seven years of a minister " always in
a dying-like condition," any congregation might be expected to
be in a languid and undemonstrative mood. The second Mac-
millan, however, used his time so well, that in less than three
years the whole parish was ready to move, as one man, for the
continuance of his pastoral connection.

When Macmillan, mounting his horse, began to perambulate
his wide parish, he found the population very thin, as might be
expected from the bad times and hardships of life. At this
time, nearly half the population of Scotland was in a migratory
state ; at least, Fletcher of Saltoun estimated the vagrants at
200,000 in 1 701, when the entire people numbered only half a
.million. t The estimate is, on the face of it, grossly exagger-
ated ; but it may be believed, that the difficulties of a settled
livelihood forced large numbers of people to wander from place
to place. The population of country parishes was liable to sud-
den and capricious changes, owing to the ebb and flow of the
vagrant stream. Presbyteries kept a jealous eye on these wan-
derers, whose irruption caused both scandals and expense. To
estimate the population of Balmaghie is difficult, but taking the
figures given in the Old Statistical Account, we find that in 1755
it was 697, and that in 1793 it had increased to 862. It may,
therefore, be conjectured that in 1701, the population was not
much above 500 souls, if, indeed, it can be placed so high.

* Examinalion, p. 6. + Cunningham, CInircli History, I. 204.

56 A Caineronian Apostle.

In 1 710,* the Presbytery had before them a protest in Mac-
millan's favour from " 84 heads of famihes, besides young men."
Allowing four persons for each family, this gives us a population
of 336. And as nearly every one in the parish adhered to Mac-
millan, we may safely conclude that the actual population was
between four and five hundred.

Scattered over an area of about sixty square miles, the inhabi-
tants were certainly not numerous. And the desolateness of
large tracts was brought about by the natural tendency of the
people to gather into "clachanfe" or villages. In the first place,
as always, there was a group of houses around and near the
church and manse. Then another considerable group lay near
the principal landowner's house of " Balmaghie Place." But
the chief mass was consolidated at Clachanpluck, "the village
of tlie plough," which was albO the geographical centre not only
of the parish, but also of the Presbytery and the county.
Here, or at Polsack or CuUenoch quite close at hand, the
Presbytery met frequently. Here, was the original parish
school, which, in 1794, had forty scholars, the schoolmaster
drawing a salary of ^8, with an equal amount in fees.f
Clachanpluck, now Laurieston, was the only village in the
parish. The S.P.C.K. was not yet founded, and the village
afterwards built on its lands at Bridge of Dee did not exist.
Macmillan's flock were housed chiefly at the two points specified,
the church and the village.

The farms were of small size, as a rule, and such labourers as
were employed were young lads and men who slept in the out-
houses. In 1794, there were only 18 "benefit-men," or in
modern phrase " cotmen," being married ploughmen and shep-
herds having separate houses on the farms. At the same date,

* &e contemporary MS. Narrative : Presb. Rec, Jan. 17, 1710.
t Old vStat.- Ace, in loco.

TJie Parish. 57

it is stated that 34 of the farmers paid rents under ^,^30 a year.
As the process of consoHdating the small farms into larger ones
had already been going on, we may suppose that in Macmillan's
day there were even more of these " crofters " in the parish.

In Clachanpluck and at the Kirk Clachan, now known as
Shankfoot, the few tradesmen had their abodes. In 1794, there
were 8 shoemakers and 8 tailors, the latter a migratory class who
went from farm to farm making or mending. There were also
8 " dram-sellers," of whom most resided in Clachanpluck,
although there was always an alehouse, or "change-house,"
quite near the church. There were 2 " boatmen," one at the
church, the other at Boatcroft. For bridges were hardly known
as yet, one of the first having been built, over the " Water of
Dee," by a synodical collection shortly after Macmillan entered
on his ministry. Glenlochar Bridge, however, did not link Bal-
maghie to Crossmichael, until the present century had begun.
When Macmillan went to the Synod, he crossed the river either
by the ford or in the ferry-boat, and then jogged onward to
Wigtown or Stranraer, on his stout " Galloway nag."

We may be certain that Macmillan paid his first visits to the
poor, of whom in those days Kirk-Sessions took special and
tender care. We have seen how strictly he inquired after the
poor's money, and the security upon which it was lent out.
This fund was collected from Sunday to Sunday, and applied,
after deducting the fees to officials, to the relief of the impover-
ished, without regard to creed or church. In 1794, the parish
had so far improved in respect of paupers, that only five were
on the roll. The church collections then amounted to about
;£io los. annually. In 1701, the number of poor was probably
far larger, and the fund available a good deal smaller. But
money went further, and the doles were smaller in amount.

Besides the toiling cottagers and farmers or crofters, there
were some resident "heritors" or "lairds." As we have seen.

58 A Canieronian Apostle.

the heir of Quintinespie was the leading commissioner in pre-
senting Macmillan's call to the Presbytery. The lairds of
Balmaghie, Slogarie, and perhaps others, lived on their estates.
In 1727, when the heritors were summoned to meet the Presby-
tery regarding repairs on church and manse, only four gentlemen
came. They were Colonel William Maxwell of Cardoness,
Patrick Heron of that Ilk, Alexander Gordon of Carleton, and
Alexander M'Ghie of Airie. None of these seem to have
resided. It has been pointed out already that the lairds of
Balmaghie and Slogarie were both under presbyterial discipline
when Macmillan began his ministry. The former died before a
final decision was arrived at ; but the latter had just been
excommunicated from the parish pulpit. It was the greater
excommunication, a terrible weapon of ecclesiastical censure,
which cut the victim off from converse either with God or with
man. Both these gentlemen had refused to stand in the " public
place of repentance," and "wearing the habit of sackcloth";
and Macmillan was to have much anxious dealing with them.
They were both M'Ghies, a family which at one time had
owned most of the parish, and still exercised great influence.*

The morals of the common people could not be expected to
excel, when the leading gentry of the place lived in such open
defiance of religious duties. The Session Book is painful read-
ing, but one cannot feel surprise to find that people who lived
in one-roomed hovels were frequently in fault. Drunkenness
was so prevalent that the Presbytery issued a pastoral letter in
reference to this vice. The liquor, as we saw, was fermented
whey or heather ale ; as yet, whisky and brandy were not in
general use. Wine, of course, was confined to gentlemen's
tables. The Session under Macmillan shewed the greatest
vigilance in reproving not only scandalous sins of immorality or

* See Presb. Rec, passim.

TJie Parish. 59

intemperance, but other and what might seem to us trivial
offences.

The following extract is an example of this : —

" 1702, March 8. — Session met, after prayer to God, etc.
John Bennet called, and compearing, was interrogate concerning
the drying of his corn the day before the fast, and that the
kilner of it, vizt., John Cambel, bade him come down the next
night and lay it on. He told his family of it, and his son Alex.,
who was not at the kirk that day, had gone over and done
according to the direction of the kilner, and he himself went
over after he had come home, and laid it on. Alex., being
asked if he had gone the night of the fast and dried his father's
corn, said he did. John Cambel, being asked whether or not
he laid on John Bennet's corn the night of the fast, in order to
dry it, answered he did. The Session considered it was in
ignorance they thought they could do so after sermon was ended,
and ordered a sessional rebuke ; they were accordingly soberly
censured."

It is instructive to notice, that extreme strictness in the con-
sistorial court existed along with a never-ending crop of scandals.
One may well infer, that the Session discipline, with its prolonged
penances, its public appearances in sackcloth, its fines and
censures, its rebukes and absolutions, tended rather to lessen
the sense of sin. The wrong-doer felt that, after all, he could
" satisfy " the Session, and so escape temporal and eternal retri-
bution. The whole Sessional discipline was, and is, an attempt
to do the work of the Roman Confessional in a safe and un-
questionable manner. Auricular and private confession to the
priest had wrought endless mischief, whenever the priest was a
bad or careless man. The consistory took the priest's place.
Confession was now made to several men, not to one. Though
nominally private, it was really public, and often issued in a
public penance. The Session, a body made up almost wholly
of laymen, many of them possessing much piety but little

6o A Caineronian Apostle.

learning, heard the confession, fixed the penance, and gave the
absolution. The inevitable result was, and is, a lowering of
public morals. The sense of shame was dulled. The true idea
of sin, as an offence against God, was replaced by the defective
notion of sin as an offence against the Church. The proper
proportion of sins also, must have been obscured, when a poor
man could be " soberly censured " for drying his corn at a kiln
on the fast-day.

Before leaving the episode of the kiln, I may add, that the
offender, John Bennet, appears among the 87 signatories to the
protestation in Macmillan's favour presented at the trial in Bal-
maghie Church, December 28th, 1703. His son Alexander,
the real offender in the corn-drying incident, is the very last to
sign. Macmillan's rebuke had not, therefore, lessened their
attachment to him.

The list of names attached to this document gives us a certain
acquaintance with the actual personnel of Macmillan's parish.
The entire list was faithfully engrossed in the Presbytery's
minute-book, and represents nearly every family in the parish.
It includes six elders and two deacons, but apparently no
heritors at all. Of the elders, one bears the name of Murdoch,
afterwards notorious in connection with the Glebe Riot in 17 13.
Another has that of M'Guffog, of a family descended from
Colonel M'Guffog, who fell at Flodden. Here also are Hugh
Mitchell and John M'Kine or Cunie in Barnboard, who went to-
gether to Kirkcudbright in 17 10, to protest against Mr. M'Kie's
settlement as minister in room of their beloved pastor. It was
the same John M'Kine who " aught this ston Jami. (?) i/Ji, as
propr right.^' The signature of Thomas Short reminds us, that
George Short, a martyr of the Covenants, lay in the kirkyard :
perhaps the father of Thomas. There is a John Knox, too,
surely in fitting company. And lastly, Alexander Charters is
here, of whom his epitaph says : —

The Parish. 6\

" True to the Church, like rocks unmoved,
In rough and stormy seas,
Was Alexander Charters still,
In reeling staggering days."

He died in 1715. Although " like rocks unmoved," his name
appears in 17 10 among those who prosecuted a call to William
M'Kie, to be minister in Macmillan's room. But there may
well have been two Alexanders, and in any case, a man is en-
titled to change his mind.

All the leading family names are here : Gordon, Geddes,
Milligan, M'Kinnel or M'Connel, Cochrane, Murdoch, Clachrie
or M'Clacharty, M'Guffog, Craig, M'Nish, M'Gowan, M'Minn,
M'Cartney, Shennan, Bennet. These names still persist. The
blood of the Covenanters, though perhaps a little adulterated,
runs in the veins of the people to-day.

Some faint picture of the old parish may loom out to us from
the foregoing remarks. We have to conceive a parish thinly
peopled, with a hardy but ill-clad and ill-fed body of inhabitants,
housed in huts and hovels where we should not now-a-days care
to put a dog. We have to think of them dwelling almost al
fresco amid wide unfenced fields, or beside pathless moss-hags,
or in little dingy groups of thatched houses. We have to re-
member that few of them could read or write, yet in nearly
every home there was_ family worship of praise and prayer. We
must bear in mind too the absence of roads and bridges, the
rude implements of husbandry, the uncultured and superstitious
ways of the peasantry. It was the day of brownies and witches,
charms and spells. Nor, above all, can we form a fair judgment
of the troubles which arose without always remembering the
martyrs' graves and the stern wild enthusiasm of the Galloway
Covenanters. For many of Macmillan's parishioners had been
among the " hill folks " or " wild folks " : some had narrowly
escaped death for conscience sake. Scotland's " Reformation,

62 A Cameronian Apostle.

Covenants, National and Solemn League," were household words
with all. The advent among such people of a minister of Mac-
millan's early training and associations was like the introduc-
tion of a naked light into a coal mine. An explosion was apt
to ensue, unless unusual good fortune were experienced. And
Macmillan was not likely to gain much from the arts of a
diplomatist or ecclesiastical tactician. He was now lodged
in a position where his strength and weakness alike were soon
to be manifested — his strength as a minister of mercy to the
wretched, his weakness as a member of church courts. Let us
turn, now, from his solitary figure, musing over the martyrs in
his kirkyard, and direct our regards toward the men who had
just ordained him, and who, in a short time, were destined to
judge and depose him.

CHAPTER IV.

1700.

THE PRESBYTERY.

Number of members — Raid — Boyd — Warner — Ewart — Cameron — Telfair —
The Ringcroft Ghost — Monteith and his " Testimony "—Hay — Tod —
Murdoch and Gordon — ^Johnston, Spalding, Bryden, Clark, Falconer
— Order of parishes geographical — List of the members.

A T the date of Macmillan's ordination, September i8th, 1701,
■^ ^ the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright consisted of fourteen
clerical members. At the time of his license in the month of
November, 1700, there had been only thirteen. But since that
time, Andrew Ewart of Kells had returned to the Presbytery,
his parish having been re-annexed by the General Assembly.
The four parishes of the " Glenkens " seem to have oscillated
between the Presbyteries of Wigtown and Kirkcudbright. It was
not till April, 1703, that Carsphairn and Dairy were restored,
making the total membership up to sixteen, where it stood until
the three quoad sacra parishes of the present list were added.
At a later time in our story, an agitation arose for a separate
" Glenkens Presbytery," but it came to nought. The brethren
of the Glenkens, however, continued to be a sort of " third
party" or "cross-bench," and at this period, they were, all four,
men of marked individuality and considerable influence in the
Church. Their names were John Reid of Carsphairn, William
Boyd of Dairy, Thomas Warner of Balmaclellan, and Andrew
Ewart of Kells.

John Reid, A.M., became minister of Carsphairn in 1694,
and died in 1737, when he was succeeded by his son Andrew.

■64 A Cameronian Apostle.

Carsphairn was a new parish, having been formed in 1639 out
of Kells and Dairy, at the instance of some local gentlemen.
These persons had built a church at their own expense, " out of
love to the salvation of souls of barbarous and ignorant people,
who has heretofore lived without the knowledge of God, their
children unbaptized, their dead unburied, and no way for getting
maintenance to a minister." This is the language of a "sup-
plication" presented to the General Assembly on 6ih June,
1638, which also describes Carsphairn as "a very desolate wil-
derness, containing five hundred communicants." The Assembly
recommended a collection for behoof of the parish to be made
in all parishes south of the Tay. The ministry of John Semple
soon rendered its name familiar. He appears in Patrick Wal-
ker's narrative * as a singular combination of simplicity and
shrewdness, superstition and powerful common sense. Im-
prisoned in the Castle of Edinburgh at the Restoration in 1660,
he was indulged, at the instance of Viscount Kenmure, in 1672 ;
fined in 1673 for not observing the anniversary of the Restora-
tion; and finally cited in August 1677 before the Privy Council.
He came forward undaunted, and when threatened with death
or banishment, replied in his own characteristic style : " He is
above that guides the gully ! My God will not let you kill or
banish me, but I will go home and die in peace." And home
he did go, and died at the age of 75. He left his savings to the
poor of the town of Kirkcudbright. His successor was a "curate,"
Peter Peirson by name, who had formerly been in Crossmichael.
He was a Master of Arts, a man of great courage and deter-
mination, and unsparing in his denunciation to the authorities
of non-conformists and convenliclers. Owing to his remaining
celibate, and living quite alone, without even a servant, as well
as for other reasons, he was suspected of popery. This, as well
as his untiring efforts to force his rude flock to attend his minis-

* Biog7-aphia PresbyteHaimy 1727.

TJie Presbytery. 65

trations, brought about the deplorable tragedy of November
1684. A deputation of two had waited on him at the manse,
to exact a promise that he would cease to lodge informations
against Covenanters and non-hearers. He promptly seized his
sword and pistol, and with his back at the door of the study,
refused to permit them to leave. In the struggle which ensued,
one of the men (supposed to be James Macmichael) shot him
dead. He was 39 years old at the time.* Such was the parish
in which John Reid had laboured since 1694. The people were
keen partisans of the Covenants, and it is little to be wondered
at, that Reid should have made one of the three protesters
against Erastian compliances, who exercised the minds of the
Presbytery in 1703.

William Bovd, after studying at the Glasgow University,
joined the United Societies, at whose expense he was trained in
Holland, along with Shields and Lining, for the ministry. He
obtained license to preach, but no cure of souls. His abilities
drew on him the favourable notice of William of Orange, who
made him a friend and the confidant of his designs. At the
Revolution, he accompanied William to Britain, and was the
first to proclaim him king at Glasgow Cross. The Assembly of
1690 received him into full communion, and he was at once
ordained to Dairy. Along with his friends, Lining and Michael
Shields, he attempted to gain a hearing at the first Revolution
Assembly on the contentious points; but "moderation" was
the watchword of the day, and they were gently silenced. Rightly
or wrongly, he and Lining were regarded by the Society people
as apostates and deserters. And Howie asserts that Boyd em-
ployed a strange expedient to clear Dairy of the "hill folk," by
trying to get the recruiting officer to press them into the army.t

* See Fasti, in loco.

t Scot's Fasti, II. ; Howie's "Appendix to the Faithful Conlendings,"
p. 474 ; J. H, Thomson, Ref. Piesb. Mag., 1869.

66 A Caineroiiian Apostle.

The story is probably untrue, but it shows the biiter feehng
which arose between Boyd and his former friends and benefac-
tors. Such a feeling boded no good to any one who should
espouse their cause within the Presbytery.

Thomas Warner, A.M., had suffered during the brief
supremacy of prelatic principles. He became minister of Bal-
maclellan in 1672, having accepted the Indulgence. In 1679,
he was charged with a breach of the terms of the Indulgence,
inasmuch as he had gone outside his parish to preach at con-
venticles, and had " convened with Mr. John Welsh, late of
Irongray, and other declared traitors and intercommuned
persons." As a punishment, he was deprived of his pension
out of the stipend until further orders. He persisted in his
disobedience, and was declared fugitive in 1684. He escaped
death, however, and in 1690 he was included in the Act of
Parliament rescinding all fines and forfeitures. The parish had
a "curate" in 1685, viz., Patrick Geddie, A.M. (St. Andrews),
son of " Mitchell Geddie, skipper in St. Andrews." Geddie was
"rabbled" in 1689, and died the same year. Warner, reinstated,
became a member of the 1690 Assembly. He was the last sur-
vivor of the pre-Restoration ministers, having come through all
vicissitudes unharmed. He died. Father of the Church, in
1 7 16, at the age of 85, and in the 59th year of his ministry.

Andrew Ewart, A.M., (Edin.), was the eldest son of the
Provost of Kirkcudbright. As a young man, he had suffered in
the prelatic times. Becoming minister of Kells in 1691, he
died in 1739, aged 78, in the 48th year of his ministry. Ewart
was, for a time, a member of the Presbytery of Wigtown, but
returned to Kirkcudbright shortly after Macmillan was licensed.
He was proprietor of the lands of Mullock and Drum more, a
man of substance, and married to Agnes Grierson, heiress of
Capenoch, as his second wife.

Such are the meagre particulars to be gleaned regarding the

The Presbytery. 67

four '• Glenkens men," which are, however, sufficient to show
their interesting character and position. The real leader of the
Presbytery was not among them, although Boyd and Ewart came
a fair second. He was Andrew Cameron, once minister in
Carsphairn, but translated to Kirkcudbright, where he died in
1721, in the 32nd year of his ministry. He was of the purest
Covenanting lineage, being a brother of Richard Cameron him-
self. Like Boyd, he owed his education as a preacher to the
United Societies, who sent him to Holland. He was an en-
enthusiastic plotter and wirepuller, and tried to persuade Ren-
wick to join Argyll's expedition, but without success.* He
himself took part in the disastrous campaign, and on its failure,
he returned to Holland. He is described as a man of " great
piety and profound learning,"! but his sole literary memorials
are the " Letter to the parishioners of Balmaghie," and the Exam-
ination of Macmillan's " True Narrative." It is hardly possible
to judge of his learning from such slender evidence ; but his
pamphlet is uriquestionably superior to Macmillan's from a
literary point of view, and shews a great command of dialectical
language. The Presbytery put him forward as their protagonist
. on all occasions, and it is impossible to doubt, that he moulded
the policy which ended in Macmillan's abrupt deposition. As
minister of Kirkcudbright, he held the richest benefice in the
Presbytery, and his parish, sometimes even his " chamber," was
the scene of most of the Presbytery meetings. He died without
seeing the end of the Balmaghie troubles, and the Anwoth
minister, George Gartshore, succeeded him.

Quite the most curious figure, to modern eyes, was Alex-
ander Telfair, A.M., (Edin.), whose studies in spiritualism
have attracted attention from the versatile Andrew Lang. Tel-

* Renwick's Letters, May 15, 1685 ; July 9, 1685 : Keforincd Presbyterian
iSiagaziiie, 1S69. + Fasti, II., in loco.

68 A Cameronian Apostle.

fair belonged to a good family, and in 1687 entered the house-
hold of Sir Thomas Kirkpatrick of Closeburn, as domestic
chaplain or tutor, exactly as Macmillan went to Murray of
Broughton. His salary was 100 marks, or about ^5, a year.
Nicholson * gives, as an old tradition, the following account of
the odd way in which Telfair became minister of Rerrick :
"... Mr. Alexander Telfair had come, somewhere from the
high country, to the foot of the water of Urr, to get a passage to
the English side. Being detained by contrary winds, or other-
wise disappointed of a passage, he took up his residence at
Auchencairn, where he began to collect the inhabitants together,
exhorting, preaching, and praying in a kiln ; and his minis-
trations pleased them very much. At this time, the curate of
Rerrick being very obnoxious to the parishioners, they gathered
in a mass, went to the manse, and ordered the curate to leave
it and make room for Mr. Telfair, in twenty-four hours' warning.
This, he was obliged to do, and Mr. Telfair accordingly took
possession ; and it is believed that he had no other ordination
to the ministry." This is a strange tale, yet quite in keeping
with the unsettled times in which it is placed.

Telfair's remarkable pamphlet is entitled, "A True Relation
of an Apparition, Expressions, and Actings, of a Spirit, which
infested the house of Andrew Mackie, in Ringcroft of Stocking,
in the Parish of Rerwick, in the Srewartry of Kirkcudbright, in
Scotland, 1695, by Mr. Alexander Telfair, Minister of that
Parish ; and attested by many other persons, who were also eye
and ear-witnesses," t

This astonishing example of credulity and superstition must
not be allowed to pass without notice, even at the cost of a
digression. The " Spirit " which infested Andrew Mackie's

* Historical and Traditional Tales, p. 4.

+ See this tract reprinted in Nicholson's Hist, and Traditional Tales,

1 lie Presbytery. 69

house completely puzzled the minister, whose prayers and ex-
hortations proved unavailing. It was a humorous being, and
delighted in throwing stones, loosing the cattle from their stalls,
filling the house with peat-smoke, hiding pots and pans, and
banging people about the body. It did not respect even the
minister's sacred person, for he pathetically says, — " Stones and
several other things were thrown at me. I was struck several
times on the sides and shoulders very sharply with a great staff,
so that those who were present heard the noise of the strokes."
If the shrewd reader will recall our account of the darkness of
these Galloway houses and then remember that the manifesta-
tions took place at night, and in winter, he will have no difficulty
in seeing a mischievous or crazy person at the bottom of the
mystery. The ghost was, in point of fact, seen — "as it were a
young boy about the age of fourteen years, with grey clothes and
a bonnet on his head." We should rather think so ! The young
boy deserved a sound thrashing for his tricks ! But in that
solemn and highstrung time, these puerile pranks were taken au
serieux, and Mr. Telfair carried his griefs and perplexities to the
Presbytery.

That reverend body heard the gruesome tale without a smile,
and straightway appointed a committee to exorcise the Ringcroft
ghost by fasting and prayer. The committee consisted of Mur-
doch of Crossmichael, Macmillan of Balmaghie (the first of that
name), Spalding of Parton, Falconer of Kelton, and Monteith
of Borgue. They were chosen, no doubt, because of age or
piety, for it is observable that Cameron of Kirkcudbright was
not among them. His shrewd mind would have been uncon-
genial to the business of ghost-laying. Monteith of Borgue was
himself a specialist in these affairs, having had in 1690 a vision
of great " light, power, and presence." He had also various
wrestlings with Satan, and heard voices whispering to him. We
shall see this more fully when we come to speak of him. Per-

70 A Cmnero7iian Apostle.

haps, there were others on the committee equally at home in
occult phenomena.

The Committee assembled at the haunted house, and straight-
way the wicked sprite assailed them, without remorse or reverence.
Poor Monteith, in particular, received a " great stone, more
than a quarter weight," on his back. Yet, " he was not hurt."
While he was praying, another stone hit him " on the breast."
The members were all witnesses of these " sinful games," except
Macmillan of Balmaghie, whose chronic ill-health would furnish
an excuse for absence. The evil spirit does not seem to have
minded the Presbytery much, for it went on from bad to worse,
in spite of "a day of humiliation" being held on its account in the
parish. At last, it took to setting the house on fire, and the poor
inmates were driven to leave it and live in the stable. Its final
demonstration was its burning a " little sheep house," perhaps,
after Charles Lamb's recipe, for roast mutton. The sheep, how-
ever, were saved, and this ended the ghostly amusements. It
may be noted, that it was now the month of May, and the
mischievous bii)eds, who were in my opinion aping the powers
of evil, could no longer carry on their operations during the night
without fear of detection. But Telfair had no such '' rationalis-
tic" views. He at once published his account, attested by the
Presbytery's Committee and several parishioners. The name of
Andrew Ewart of Kells appears as a witness ; perhaps, he had
taken Macmillan's place. The whole episode throws a curious
light on the superstitious feelings and beliefs of the time. Like
modern spirit-rappers, Telfair regards these diabolical manifesta-
tion as yielding indisputable proof of a future life, confuting
" Modern Sadducism," and establishing the existence of spirits,
good and evil, and "consequently, a Heaven and a Hell."* He
also deduces the duty of family worship, as a safeguard against

* See his preface to the tract ; Nich. Hist, and Trad. Tales, p, 5.

The Presbytery. yi

.Satan, and warns ministers and congregations to be on the alert
against the adversary, the devil, who, " as a roaring lion, walketh
about seeking whom he may devour." The whole tract is most
singular, in its simplicity and childlike superstition, and well
repays a careful reading. Its success was immediate and rapid
as a literary venture ; and Telfair had henceforth the honours of
a literary man among his brethren.

Hardly less interesting, as a study of sancta simplicitas and
old-world faith, is James Monteith of Borgue, another co-
presbyter of John Macmillan. Educated at Glasgow University,
he went to Ireland in 16S7, and returning, became schoolmaster
at Kilmarnock in 1689, while awaiting preferment. He received
license to preach from the Presbytery of Irvine in 1692, and
immediately accepted a unanimous call to Borgue. There, he
was ordained in January 1693, and there he laboured untiringly,
in his own painful way, till his death in 1744. He had attained
his jubilee, and died, according to his editor and successor,
Samuel Smith, " feared, honoured, and loved by his flock."*
In the Fasti, he is depicted as a man of " remarkable piety and
zeal, but tmctured with superstition," a description fully borne
out by the Ringcroft proceedings, and by his own writings. He
was also, however, a strong upholder of the people's rights, as
he deemed them to be ; for during the dyke-levelling riots in
the Stewartry in 1724, he was reported to be an instigator of the
mob. He is said to have declared that "the government of the
country was now in the hands of the tenantry," a thesis which
must have made him highly obnoxious to the dyke-building
landowners. We may conjecture, that Monteith was therefore
a keen politician, and like most parish clergy who are faithful
pastors, almost too much alive to the hardships suffered by the
labouring poor. The agrarian question of his time was the

* See reprint by Rev. Samuel Smith, 1841 : Introduction, p. 48.

7-^

A Canieronian Apostle.

result of the old communal system of agriculture. The land
was held in ntnrigg — i.e., there were no fences except such as
natural obstacles, a loch, a burn, a river, or a hill, provided ;
and tlie cattle and sheep had common pasture. The crops
were divided pro rata, amid a good deal of quarrelling and bad
feeling. With the awaking of agriculture at the beginning of the
eighteenth century, such a state of things became impossible.
Landowners began to enclose pasture and field, and no doubt,
in the process, some old rights were infringed. At all events, a
violent popular feeling arose : mobs marched in good order, and
overthrew the new dykes. A collision had well-nigh taken
place between the mob and the yeomanry, but peace was pre-
served by tact and patience. The wave of excitement spent
itself, and its last effects were felt on the Duchrae estate in
Balmaghie.*

Monteith published nothing in his own lifetime, but he left a
MS., which the Rev. Samuel Smith edited and published in
1 841, in a small volume. He prefixed an unnecessarily long
introduction, entitled, " Am I a Christian ? " The actual MS.
of Monteith runs to 52 pages, and Mr. Smith's introductory
remarks occupy 52 more. Monteith's papers are entitled,
the one, A Testimony to the Free Grace of God, being an
account of his religious experiences ; the other, Advices to
my Children and Parishioners, counsels on the religious
life. The Testimony discloses a singularly simple-minded
and even superstitious character. Written in the thirty-
sixth year of his ministry, it recounts in general terms some of
his pastoral trials and triumphs. The style is wonderfully clear
and unassuming, and the whole little tract breathes a most fer-
vent humility and piety. He discloses much regarding his own
personal religious habits. He was, from an early age, given to

* See, for an account of the Dyke Levellers, Nich. Hist., II.

The Presbytery. 73

self-examination and secret prayer : attended church regularly,
and read the " best books I could get ; " and had a strong
desire to save souls. Like many earnest men of his strenuous
time, he suffered "horrible temptations and suggestions most
blasphemous " from Satan. Even as a school-boy, he was often
" unreasonable, by stoppings in the way, and praying for help
from the Lord." * The day of his greatest blessing was March
30th, 1690 — "that Sabbath evening, what light, life, and com-
fort, he was pleased to let out on my soul ! It was better to me
than all things in the world, though it did not last long ; and
perhaps all in consequence of my miscarriage and mismanage-
ment of such a condescending love-visit from so great and so
holy a majesty as the Lord is." t He complains of " Satan's
injections of blasphemous thoughts," which, however, were suc-
ceeded by a marvellous vision about break of day, when "it
pleased the Lord on a sudden to fill the room where I was
alone, with such light, power, and presence, as I never felt the
like before." I But alas! "on November 2nd, 1695, I was
assailed by Satan with twelve different temptations." He re-
solved to go to bed. " I was scarcely entered the room, when
I heard one whispering — ' pray once more to the Lord before
you go to bed, and speak no more' ... no sooner was I
on my knees, than an inexpressible power came on my soul,
with light, life, and sweetness . . . also, my very body was
strangely at ease."|| The next scene has a strong touch of
tragedy. "July 8th, 1706, being the Monday after the celebra-
tion of the Lord's Supper in Borgue, Ebenezer, then my only
son, took il'. When I rose, I saw he was dying. I went into
a chamber, leaving his mother and others with him. I cannot
express, how it pleased a gracious Lord to show himself to my
soul, there, with light, life, strength, and consolation ; clearing

* P. 13. t P. 24. : P. 33. II P. 35, 36.

F

74 ^ Canieronian Apostle.

up to my soul, that he was' my God in Christ, and the God of
my seed for ever . . . and heaven came down as it were
to my soul, with such light, power, and sense, that I had not
room to receive more ... I thought, if I had a son every
day in my life afterwards to die, I could most easily part
with them, and say most cheerfully, ' Lord, take them to thee,
and a thousand blessings to thee for doing it ! ' I stayed a con-
siderabb time alone. I cannot tell how long it was, but when
I came unto him, and saw he was near his end, I desired him
to look to Jesus Christ, the only Saviour. He observed me,
though weak, and smiled ] and in a moment after, he departed
this life. In the meantime, my soul was so serene, and filled
with joy and peace, that I had ado to keep myself from leaping
in the room, and never had one moment of sorrow for his death,
though he was gone in the sixth year of his age, and showed
extraordinary capacity and fondness toward all that was good,
and an abhorrence of all evil, and an only son, five dead before.
This frame lasted some days." *

One does not quite know whether to weep or to smile at a
passage like this, of such mingled devotion and extravagance.
Verily, Mr. Monteith's wits were, at times, perilously balanced.
A "naturalistic" reader will be disposed to suggest, that such
hysterical joy over the death of a beloved only son, "five dead
before," was simply a violent reaction against terrible despair and
grief. The father's heart and eye were still alert, however ; he
looked in the little childish face, he noted how the dying boy
"observed" him, and "smiled," and "in a moment after,
departed." And his heart was broken, though he " had ado "
to keep himself "from leaping in the room." ^'' This frame
lasted some days ! " Yes ; and then came hours and days of
dreadful sorrow, as violent as the unnatural joy.

* P. 40, 41. ■

The Presbytery. 75

Monteith, after the fashion of the day among high and low,
made a solemn "covenant" with God on June 22, 1696. The
chief point in it, worthy of note, is his beseeching God to
"break the power of sin in my soul, particularly the predominant
sin, which, thou knowest, has given me many a sore heart ; and-
keep me from being, in my day, a stain to religion in any way."*
This covenant he expressly renewed or "renovated" periodi-
cally before he celebrated the communion in Borgue, as well
as at the sacramental "occasions" of other parishes. He
specifies among such, a communion at Balmaghie House, pro-
bably during the time of the " parish schism," when the regular
ministers could not obtain access to the parish church. The
sole reference made by him to contemporary events, however, is
contained in a single short paragraph, as follows :—

" In the year of God 1703, when things were like to go wrong
as to religion in this land, I had many thoughtful hours about
it, which did continue for some time. And especially in the
year 1707, about the Union of these lands of Scotland and
England. I could never think it consistent with the engage-
ments Scotland was under, to consent that Prelacy should sub-
sist in England, though I was fully convinced, that Church
judicatories as such could do no more than they did in this
matter. I must own, when the news of the Pretender's coming
to sea was made known, that after several hours and several days
were spent, I was assured in prayer he would not succeed in his
undertaking . . . and accordingly preached, and wrote to
some friends who doubted about it." f

The reference here to the year 1 703 must be to the troubles
with Macmillan ; and Monteith's attitude towards the Union is
that which the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, and Church courts
generally, were obliged to adopt. The Union was felt to be a

* Teslimony, p. 42-44. t P. 47, 48.

^6 A Cameronian Apostle.

serious blow to the Scottish Covenant ; but, as he says : " they
could do no more than they did," i.e., record empty protests and
resolutions.

So much for the more noteworthy members. A few sentences
may be given to those who remain. Thomas Hay of Anwoth,
educated at Glasgow University, became minister in 1696. In
171 1, he fell into great unpopularity and some degree of scandal,
not unconnected with conviviality. A resignation was arranged
and accepted in 171 1, and he was succeeded by George Gart-
SHORE, son of James Gartshore of that Ilk. He in his turn, was
called to succeed Cameron at Kirkcudbright, and his place was
filled in 1724 by John Enslie, who after a few months was
translated to the Scotch Church at Rotterdam. Enslie served
that church 34 years, and was then declared emeritus.

William Tod of Buittle was a licentiate of the Presbytery of
Hamilton, and was ordained to the parish in 1699. Although
his name, along with that of John Reid of Carsphairn, will occur
frequently in these pages, there is little known further regard-
ing him, except that he died in 1735, after being for 37 years
minister.

John Murdoch of Crossmichael was a Master of Arts of
Edinburgh University, and died in August 1700, shortly before
Macmillan received license. His successor was Robert
Gordon, who died in 1722, aged 41. He was connected with
the Kenmure family, and married a daughter of the then
Viscount.

Patrick Johnston, of Girthon, was a Master of Arts of
Edinburgh University. As we have seen, Macmillan was one
of his elders for a short time, while chaplain to Murray of
Broughton. He died in 1736, aged 63.

Samuel Spalding, of Parton, was also an Edinburgh gradu-
ate. By birth an Irishman, he was yet of Scottish parentage.
He married the heiress of Shirmers, and his lineal descendants

The l^resbytery.

//

are in possession of the Holm estate. As we saw, he preached
and presided at Macmillan's ordination.

The minister of Tongland was Robert Bkeddan or Bryden,
ordained 1693 ; that of Twynhohn was William Clark,
ordained 1693, who in 1711 was succeeded by Andrew Boyd, a
son of the Dairy minister.

The minister of Kelton was William Falconer.

The court which was to deal with Macmillan consisted of the
above fifteen members. I subjoin the list at one view, for the
sake of clearness, and placing the parishes in the order of
sederunt observed in the Presbytery at that time This, as it
will be seen, was not alphabetical, or according to ordination,
but apparently regulated by geographical position.

The Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, anno 1703.

John Reid, A.M., - - ordained 1694
William Boyd, - - - ^^ 1690

Thomas Warner, - - - ,, ^657

Samuel Spalding, A.M. (Edin.)., 169
Robert Gordon, - -
William Falconer,
William Tod, - - -
Alexander Telfair, A.M.

(Edin.), - - -
Andrew Cameron,
Robert Bryden, - -
William Clark, - -
James Monteith, - -
Patrick Johnston, A.M.

(Edin.), - - -
Thomas Hay, - - -
John Macmillan, A.M.

(Edin), - - -
Andrew Ewart, A.M. (Edin.),

I.

Carsphairn,

2.

Dairy. - - -

3-

Balmaclellan, -

4-

Parton, - - -

5-

Crossmichael -

6.

Kelton, - - -

7-

Buittle, - - -

8.

Rerrick, - -

9-

Kirkcudbright,

1 0.

Tongland, - -

1 1.

Twynholm, -

12.

Borgue, - -

13-

Girthon, - -

14.

Anwoth, - -

15-

Balmaghie,- -

16. Kells,

ordain

ed

1702

1695
1699

1689

1689

1693

1693

1692

1699
1696

1701

0, !'

1691

78 A Cameronian Apostle.

From the above, it appears that the " Father " of the Presby-
tery was Warner of Balmaclellan, and the youngest members
were Macmillan and Gordon of Crossmichael. It is noteworthy
that there are no fewer than five graduates of Edinburgh
University.

CHAPTER V.

1700.

MEETINGS AND MANNERS.

Presbytery Records — Last Bishop of Galloway — The Synod of Galloway —
Presbytery Meetings monthly — Sessio secunda — Places of Meeting —
Ciachanpluck — Privy censures — "Opening and adding" — Attendance
compulsory— References from Sessions — The Greater Excommunication
— Visitations — " Slaves " — " Papists " — Schools — Bridges — Correspon-
ding members — " Common heads" — Presbytery dinners — Social status
of presbyters — Their marriages — Dress and manners — Simplicity and
eccentricity — Semple of Carsphairn — Nathaniel M'Kie.

'T'HE minutes of the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright do not
begin till April 30, 1700, and it may be assumed that the
earlier records from 1690 are lost. The Synod of Galloway
met at Minnigaff on May 14, 1689, to knit up the ravelled
affairs of its diocese. It found many parishes without ministers,
and the supply of qualified men was not at first equal to the
demand. A number of ministers " from Ireland " were present,
of whom some received calls to parishes within the bounds of
the Synod. Thus, John M 'Bride was called to the parish of
Borgue, but he did not long continue, since we have seen that
Monteith entered on his office as minister there in 1692.

The last Bishop of Galloway was John Gordon, son of John
Gordon of Caldwells, in Ellon. He was descended from the
Haddo family, and had been a chaplain in the Royal Navy, and
afterwards to the King. He secured his bishopric by the
influence of the Earl of Melfort, When James VII. deserted

8o A Caineronian Apostle.

the throne, Gordon also fled from Scotland. Afterwards, he
went in the King's train to Ireland, where he was appointed
Chancellor of Dublin. When the Irish bubble burst, he retired
to St. Germains, where he used to read the English liturgy in
his own lodging to such as came. About 1702, he went to
Rome and made a solemn recantation before Cardinal Sacri-
pante. He received the tonsure from Pope Clement XL,
assuming the additional name of Clement. The four lesser
orders he received from Cardinal Casoni. The Pope now
granted him a pension and the honorary title of Abbot. He
died at Rome in 1726, aged about 83, having survived all the
other deprived bishops.

Such was the chequered story of the bishop, whose' late
diocese was henceforward to be ruled by a Synod of Presbyters.
The parishes of the Synod were gradually supplied with Presby-
terian ministers. In Kirkcudbright Presbytery there appears to
have been a clean sweep of the obnoxious "curates" in 1689,
and no troubles were experienced there, as in some other dis-
tricts, from the presence of clergy of the prelatic type.

We have already commented on the individual members of
the Presbytery, and it may now be interesting and useful to
observe the Presbytery at its ordinary work.

The meetings were usually held once a month, at either the
beginning or the end of the month as agreed upon. The meet-
ing frequently covered two days, owing to the mass of business
and the tedious forms observed. Sometimes there was a sessio
secHtida on the same day, generally at 5 p.m. The morning
sitting began commonly at 9 a.m. The Presbytery did not
scruple to sit very late, sometimes into the early hours of the
morning, in order to complete an important case. The places
of meeting varied constantly, although Kirkcudbright was the
ordinary seat. As Presbyterial visitations were then frequent,
meetings might be held in any parish church or at any point in

Meetings and Manners. 8 1

a parish. Next to Kirkcudbright, the most frequent point of
concentration was Clachanpluck, or its neighbouring localities,
Polsack and Cullenoch. The tradition is, that such meetings
were held in the change-house or inn of the place.

The village presented an unusual scene of bustle and anima-
tion on a " Presbytery day," for the clergymen rode in on horse-
back, accompanied in many cases by their elders or by servants.
In days when newspapers were hardly known, and communica-
tion was difficult, the assembling of the clergy from all parts of
the county must have brought a considerable amount of excite-
ment and talk along with it. The fact that Balmaghie was so
often visited, and was in a sense a Presbytery seat, made that
parish all the more liable to presbyterial supervision. And it
put the brethren in a better position to hear and see what was
going on, whether, to their mind, right or wrong.

Presbyterial rules were very strict. Members were required
to attend every meeting, or else to give in a valid excuse.
Absence from two or three meetings was made the subject of
special inquiry, and sometimes of censure and warning. At
intervals, the brethren met "for prayer and privy censures."
On these occasions a full attendance was insisted on, and the
procedure was, that first " severals of them were nominat to
pray per vices.^' Then inquiry was made if the members had
the Acts of Assembly, and if any special Act {e.g., against pro-
faneness) had been duly read from the pulpit. After these pre-
liminaries, the real and delicate work of " privy censures "
began. The brethren were " removed per vices, and returning,
were commended, exhorted, and admonished, as there was
found cause." * This custom, whether for good or ill, has
become obsolete in the Church. And there are obvious diffi-
culties in the way of restoring it. One can only regret that the

* Presb. "Rqc, passim.

82 A Cameroman Apostle.

kindly custom of commending a deserving brother should have
lapsed, making the pastoral life so depressing as it sometimes
becomes, in the absence of authoritative approval and praise.

On ordinary occasions the meetings began with prayer, and
thereafter a member, previously chosen, " opened and added in
the ordinary " on a text of Scripture. This mystic phrase simply
means that such member gave an exposition of the passage, and
then added a theological or dogmatic application, which the
Presbytery approved or challenged, as they saw proper.

The next thing done was to consider the absentees from last
meeting, and their excuses ; and this applied to representative
elders as well as to ministers.

Then came what, unfortunately, was the staple business —
discipline cases referred from Kirk Sessions, of which, at the
beginning of the eighteenth century, there was an alarming list.
This frequent reference to the Presbytery seems to have arisen
from the parties in fault desiring to be purged by an oath from
their scandal. Such oath, however, could not legally or pru-
dently be given or taken without the Presbytery's approval.
And it was never permitted except after every other means had
been used to ascertain the truth.

Disobedience to the orders of the Kirk Session also furnished a
large crop of references. Parties confessing sins were frequently
directed to stand in the " public place of repentance, wearing
the habit of sackcloth," for one or more Sundays, and to receive
public rebuke from the pulpit. This was called " satisfying the
Session," and when it was spread over several Sundays, the
parties were said to be " going on in satisfaction." Failing
obedience, the Sessions appealed to the Presbytery, who cited
the contumacious, sent committees to confer with such as failed
to appear, and if necessary, pronounced sentence of the greater
€xco7nmunicatio7i against them. The greater excommunication
was a censure which could be inflicted only by the Presbytery.

Meetings and Manners. 83

The lesser consisted in suspension from the sacraments, and
was in the power of the Kirk Session.

When any one was condemned to suffer the greater excom-
munication, the Presbytery directed the minister first to dehver
three " pubhc admonitions," on three several Sundays, with a
I'resbytery meeting intervening between them, so that this pro-
cess alone might cover a space of three months. Then, if the
person continued stubborn, there followed three solemn public
prayers, covering another interval of three months. Last of all,
if these efforts failed, the dreaded sentence was passed by the
Presbytery after prayer. The minister was required to intimate
it from the pulpit, and solemnly offering prayer for the offender,
to declare him cast out of the Church and delivered over to
Satan. Even at the last moment, however, signs of penitence
in the offender entitled the minister to withhold the final doom.

To us, reading such ancient records, the question arises,
What gave such weight to these spiritual decrees ? The answer
is grimly expressed in the Form of Process : — " The people are
to be warned, that they hold the person to be cast out of the
communion of the Church, and that they shun all unnecessary
converse with him or her ; nevertheless, excommunication dis-
solveth not the bonds of civil or natural relations, or exempts
from the duties belonging to them."*

The greater excommunication, therefore, made a man or
woman a boycotted person, and reduced him to the society of
his own home. He became a spiritual pariah, with whom no
"unnecessary converse" must be held. He was "delivered
over to Satan," and in a rude and superstitious age such a doom
seemed worse than death.

The Presbytery did not scruple to make free use of this
terrible weapon against offenders in high places. Humbler

"" Form of PrO'CSf. c. viii., sect. 17.

84 W Caineronian Apostle.

sinners, as a rule, broke down and submitted while the slow
torture of " admonitions " and " prayers '' was going on.

When all the repulsive work of discipline was finished, the
Presbytery took other business. As ecclesiastical buildings
gradually fell into decay, there came a frequent necessity for
visitati(;ns of manses and churches. The Presbytery was
the court of decision for such causes, and the usual rule was
to summon respectable tradesmen to depone on oath what
repairs were needed, and how much they would cost. The
needful sum was then ordered to be paid by the heritors to the
minister.

At an ordinary diet of Presbyterial visitation, the custom was
that, after sermon, the minister, elders, and people were
severally "called in," and questioned on various points. For
example, the minister was asked if his peojjle kept family wor-
ship : the elders in turn were asked if their minister kept family
worship. The people were next interrogated as to their pastor's
diligence in visiting and preaching. The answers were regularly
minuted, and the Presbytery expressed approval, or administered
advice and censure, according to circumstances.

Macmillan, in his " Narrative," has shortly expressed the gist
of such visitations, in the following quaint sentences : — " There
was nought like a visitation observed, either with the people or
yet with him. For they were never inquired at, how they
pleased either his doctrine or walk, and if he was diligent in his
pastoral duties; neither did they inquire at him how he pleased
the people." *

As in the present day, so then, occasional items of special
business were dealt with as they came up. One, which occurs
several times at this period, refers to a collection appointed by
the General Assembly " for those taken captives by the Turks."

* See Appendix. " Pleased," of course, means " pleased with."

Meetings and Manners. 85

Another concerns " papists/' of whom hsts were given in by the
respective ministers, and Cameron was appointed to submit
these to the quarterly meeting of the Commission in Edinburgh.
The laws were strict against such, and the Presbytery more than
once dealt with them, with a view to inducing them to conform
to the Church.

For example, Warner and Macmillan were deputed to deal
with the " papists " in the parish of Parton, in conjunction with
the parish minister, " for their conversion and reclaiming."
Special attention was directed to " apostates," i.e., such as had
fallen away from the Reformed doctrine.* It is a little stagger-
ing, at first, to find the same reverend body, which appointed a
committee to lay the Ringcroft ghost, dealing at some length,
and with a degree of severity, with a poor " papist " who was
found using a " monument of idolatry." For so the Presbytery
styled the crucifix.

Education was also under Presbyterial care. It is recorded
that several parishes, of which Balmaghie was one, had no funds
for a schoolmaster's salary. They were directed to take steps to
secure these with all speed. This matter became afterwards a
query in the Presbyterial visitations.

It was in keeping with the old union of offices implied in the
name of Fontifex, that the Presbytery should see that the
Synodical collection, appointed for building " a bridge over the
Water of Dee," was duly made in all the parishes, f

In those days. Presbyteries appointed " correspondents " as
Synods still do. These were directed to attend neighbouring
Presbyteries, which in their turn commissioned some of their
body to sit with the "corresponding" Courts. Sometimes such
neighbourly help was expressly asked for. The Presbytery of
Wigtown, for instance, requested that two or three members

* Presb. Rec, Dec. 9, 1701. t Piesb. Rec, Dec. 15, 1702.

86 A Cauieronian Apostle.

might be sent from Kirkcudbright to "correspond" with them,
and Cameron, Ewart, and Monteith were accordingly sent.*
We shall afterwards see that two correspondents from Wigtown
sat at Macmillans deposition.

Before leaving the subject, it may be mentioned that two im-
portant questions long occupied the Presbytery's attention. One
was the subscription to the Confession of Faith, which was re-
quired of all ministers and elders. The other was the subscrip-
tion to the "covenanted work of Reformation. "f It was indeed
an age of oaths and signatures, and much time and suffering
were to be expended in growing out of these swaddling-clothes.

With all its antiquated forms and narrow views (as they seem
to us now), the Presbytery was a hard-working and conscien-
tious body. And it paid a laudable attention to the theological
studies becoming a learned ministry. A list of " common
heads," or theses, was early drawn up, containmg points not
already " handled " by the Presbytery. These were discussed
in Latin by the members appointed at the beginning of the
Presbytery's diet. It is interesting to learn that such high and
weighty themes as Free Will, The Holy Trinity, Faith and
Works, the Person of Christ, were debated in an ancient tongue
by this gathering of country ministers. It may be doubted
whether many similar assemblies of Presbyters to-day could
" handle " such a knotty point as this, assigned to Telfair, the
ghost-layer : — De conciirsu Dei cum caiisis secaiidis, pariicuiari,
simidtaneo, et praevio. Or this, confided to Clark of Twynholm :
— De iinitate et identitate foederis g?-atiae, quoad substafitiain, iii-
utroque Testameiito. Amid their variegated duties, these old
world ministers never quite forgot that they ought still to be
students of theology and philosophy. The very minute of
Macmillan's deposition closes with a reminder that, " at the

^ Pres. Rec, Dec. 15, 1702. + Pres. Rec, Nov. 19, 1702.

Meetings and Manners. 87

next," Mr. Cameron is to "have his common head, De virilnis
liber i arbitrii." *

At the close of the Presbytery meetings, the brethren doubt-
less dined together in a genial and brotherly way. Such Pres-
bytery dinners attained their height after an ordination service.
In the Fasti, there is preserved the following account of sums
'• debursed at the moderation of the call, and at his ordination."
(The ordination was that of John Reid's son and successor in
Carsphairn) : —

" /w/r ?';;«■ J- to the Presbytery Clerk at the moderation as

his due, ... ... ... ... £300

do., to John Paterson in Knockgray, for meal for

the ordination dinner, ... ... 5 S o

do., to John Hair in Holm, for a boll of malt to

the said ordination dinner, ... ... 900

do., to the said John Hair, a Wether and a Lamb

he furnished for the said occasion, .. 500

do., to Hugh M'Hutcheson in Lamloch for a Wether, 312 o
do., to George Stevenson for a Lamb, ... ... i 13 o

do., to Mr. M'Myne in Damelintoun, for Flour

and Baking on said occasion, ... i 14 o. "

The total is alarming, being ^30 7s. But let the reader re-
member to divide by twelix, as it is Scots money ! The
Presbytery dined, in true Galloway fashion, on mutton and oat-
cakes. The proportion of meal to malt seems a Scottish coun-
terpart to Falstafif's bread and sack.

The social standing of the Presbyters of those days was, rela-
tively, very much higher than at present. They were practically
the only learned men, sometimes the only educated men, in
their parishes. They were by far the most cultured and civi-
lised. The country gentlemen were little better than rough
farmers, who lived on their own mutton, and brewed their own

■* Pres. Rec. Dec. 29, 1703.

88 A Cainero7iian Apostle.

ale, and whose standard of morals was not high or nice. Pro-
fane language was extremely common. Wodrow preserves a
reminiscence of Lining's, that Lord Jedburgh " told Shields, in
Flanders, that his first check arose from his little girl, two years
old. Her mother had taught her ' III, lying, and banning bairns
would goe to hell.' Hearing her father cursing, the child said:
" ' Papa, banning bairns goe to hell ! ' "

" ' Ay, but my bairn, I am not a bairn, but a muckle man.' "
" ' Muckle banning men will get a muckle hell ! '" *
Among a gentry of this rough and unpolished sort, a college-
bred and Christian gentleman shone without effort. The
drunkenness which prevailed among the country lairds also
distinguished them from the clergy, who were necessarily
examples of sobriety.

The ministers met the " county people " on equal, if not often
superior ground. Their incomes were as good, or even better.
Their sacred authority was such, that the highest might well
respect it in their persons. We may pardonably quote the
matrimonial alliances as a sure index to the social rank of the
clergy in 1700. For instance, Gordon of Crossmichael married
a daughter of Viscount Kenmure : Ewart of Kells married "the
heiress of Capenoch;" Spalding of Parton, "the heiress of
Shirmers." Macmillan's second wife was the daughter of Sir
Alexander Gordon of Earlston, and widow of Edward Goldie of
Craigmuie. M'Kie, his colleague and successor, married a
daughter of Nathaniel Gordon of Carleton in Borgue. Many
modern Galloway families of the county descend from these old
parish ministers. The Johnstons of Carnsalloch, for example,
are descended from Johnston of Girthon.

The reader might be apt to suppose, because these clergymen
lived in thatched houses, ate I'raxy, and drank muddy ale, that

* Wodrow, Aiialecia, \o\ II.

John Macmh.i.an of Sandhills

Meetings and Manners. 89

they were men of uncourtly ways and rude exterior. A glance
at any clerical portrait of the period will dispel this delusion.
The fine portrait of Thomas Boston of Ettrick, prefixed to Dr.
Andrew Thomson's life of that worthy, may be taken as a con-
temporary type, since Boston lived and laboured exactly at this
time. The clean-shaven face (for beards were then unknown
among the clergy), the spotless bands and ruffles, the carefully
curled hair, down to the ring on the little finger of the right
hand, shew us a very fine gentleman indeed, much more elabor-
ately dressed than the rough and ready country parson of to-
day. The tradition is, that Macmillan also was such a figure,
very courteous and polished in manner, and of a stately form.
Unfortunately, no portrait is known to exist. But his son John
Macmillan of Sandhills, as figured in his portrait, is just such
another as Thomas Boston, in outward appearance. The sole
relic of Macmillan's outward array, which has come down to us,
is a massive and beautiful seal, which he doubtless wore at his
fob. It is of the purest gold, and bears his coat of arms (lion
rampant), his crest (two-handed sword), and his motto, Miseris
succurrere disco. Such an article belonged to no country boor or
rough vulgarian. And tradition has reached me of the costly
and well-nigh imperishable silken fabrics, in which Mrs. Mac-
millan the third robed herself. Such details are not beneath
notice, since they help to correct a wrong impression, and at
the same time bring the personality of the men more vividly
before us.

With all this, the clergy of the day were, beyond doubt, a
strange mixture of dignity and simplicity, amounting at times to
broad eccentricities of manner and conduct. This is best illus-
trated from the anecdotes of John Semple of Carsphairn, pre-
served in Patrick Walker's life-like page?. I may be permitted
to quote a few passages of special and curious interest : —

90 A Canieronian Apostle.

" When he was going to the ford in the water of Dee, on his
way to the Presbytery, he would not be hindered from riding
the water, though he was told by some that the water was un-
passable, saying, ' I must get through, if the Lord will ; I am
going about his work.' He entered in, and the strength of the
water carried him and his horse beneath the ford. He fell from
his horse, and stood up in the water, and taking off his hat
prayed a word to this purpose, ' Lord, art thou in earnest to
drown me thy poor servant, who would fain go thy errands ? '
After which, he and his horse both got safely out, to the admir-
ation of all onlookers.

" When a neighbouring minister was distributing tokens be-
fore the Sacrament, Mr. Semple, standing by and seeing the
minister reaching a token to a woman, said — ' Hold your hand !
That woman hath got too many already, for she is a witch ; ' of
which none suspected her then. Yet afterwards, she confessed
herself to be a witch, and was burned for the same."

The incident before the Privy Council has already been
narrated. The sequel is given in Patrick Walker's words : —

" After this he went home, and entered his pulpit. He said,
' I parted o'er easily with thee, which has been many a sore
heart to me ; but I shall hing by the wicks of thee now ! '
. . . He died with much assurance of heaven . . . under
great impressions of dreadful judgments to come on these
covenanted lands, especially on Scotland, and the west and south
thereof, above all other places, by the bloody sword of Popish
and others taking part with them : repeating these words three
times over, ' A Bloody Sword for Scotland ! '" *

Another quotation, this time from the Fasti, t will help to
deepen our impression of the simple, and even eccentric,
manners of the Scottish parochial clergy in the eighteenth cen-
tury. It refers to Nathaniel M'Kie, Gordon's successor in
Crossmichael, and a son of M'Kie of Balmaghie. He was
accustomed to make interjections during his reading of Scrip-
ture, and here is one specimen, often quoted : —

* See Biographia Freshyteriana. t Vol. II., under Crossmichael,

Meetings and Manners. 91

" And the Lord said unto Moses — sneck that door ; I'm
thinking, if ye had to sit beside the door yersel, ye wadna be sae
ready leaving it open ! It was juist beside that door, that
Yedam Tamson the belhnan gat his deith o' cauld, and I'm
sure, honest man, he didna let it stay muckle open. And the
Lord said unto Afoses — I see a man aneath that laft wi' his hat
on. I'm sure ye're clear o' the soogh o' the door. Keep aff
yer bannet, Tammas, and if yer bare pow be cauld, ye maun
just get a grey worsit wig like mysel' ; they're no sae dear —
plenty o' them at Rob Gillespie's for tenpence ! "

Nathaniel M'Kie is said to have written the song — "Nae
dominies for me, laddie ! " Altogether, he gives us a refreshing
picture of the homely Scottish parson, perfectly unaffected yet a
gentleman all the time : speaking pure " Galloway Scots," as
Macmillan himself spoke and even wrote it: a being very Scotch,
and very human.

CHAPTER VI.

1701-1703.

STORM.

Macmillan visits and catechises the parish — His sermons — His pastoral work
— Communion seasons — " Purleycueing " — Tokens — " Macmillan's
cup " — " Fencing the tables " — Baptism — Macmillan a popular minis-
ter— His first attendance on the Presbytery — Scandalous lairds— A day
of fasting — Death of King William — The oath of allegiance — Another
fast — Overtures to the Assembly against Episcopacy — First dissension
• — Macmillan announces his separation — Tod and Reid join him— The
" Grievances " given in — A committee to answer them.

'T^HE first business of a country pastor, after his ordination,
^ is to visit every house in his parish. This duty Mac-
millan performed in the autumn of 1701, and probably he com-
bined with it the catechising of his people, a custom then in full
force. Boston of Ettrick added public catechising at the even-
ing service ; * but in Balmaghie no evening service could be
held, because of the distances to be traversed by the bulk of
the people.

The morning and evening prayers of a clergyman's house
were in those days semi-public, and may be regarded as consti-
tuting a daily service. This part of his duty Macmillan dis-
charged with relish and zeal. As we have seen, even before his
ordination he had a " name of piety in the bounds." f The
new minister for a time pursued his calling quietly, preaching,
visiting, celebrating the sacraments, and taking part in what

* Boston of Ettrick, p. 65, 103. ^Examination, p. 43.

Storm. 93

were then styled " church judicatories." Of his pulpit style and
matter, there remains only one specimen, preserved in the
Auchensaugh tract, to be fully dealt with in a separate chapter.*
The custom then was to choose some fruitful text, and labour it
for several Sundays together. Thus we read that at the Visita-
tion in 1703, " he preached upon his ordination text, which he
had been upon for some Sabbaths before. Psalm 62, 8th verse,
' Trust in Him at ail times, ye people^ etc." This was not the
text of the sermon preached at his ordination, but that of his
own first sermon as minister of the parish, September 18, lyoi.f
It need hardly be said that " preaching " meant speaking with-
out book, as it does still in Galloway.

" Is he a reader ? " is often asked regarding a minister. The
answer is at first startling :

" No, no ; he is nae reader. He preaclies every word ! "
The length of sermons was much in excess of modern
measure, and there was generally a prelude in the shape of
what was called a lecture, being the " opening and adding " in
which the Presbytery so constantly exercised its clerical mem-
bers. This custom persisted till a recent date. The present
writer, preaching as a candidate on the very ground where Mac-
millan walked, was required to give both lecture and sermon,
making about fifty minutes of discourse. In 1701, the total
space spent in speaking must have been as great, and probably
much greater. I should estimate the length of Macmillan's
sermon on ordinary Sundays at an hour at least. With the
lecture added, his hearers endured perhaps an hour and a half
of exhortation. And tradition has it, that two hours was no un-
common allowance. There were, however, mitigating features,
such as weak human nature demands. It was not unusual for
people to come and go during the sermon. And every little

* See chap, xi. f See contemporary MS.

94 A Canieronian Apostle.

parish church had, quite near to it, a place of refreshment, not
uncalled for in districts where men came long distances to ser-
vice. Hill Burton * describes the young lairds and peasantry as
retiring to such modest hostelries, after the service was con-
cluded, in order to discuss the sermon or the newest scandal.
In the tiny " Kirk Clachan," now called Shankfoot, there was
then the unfailing " alehouse " ; and we cannot doubt that,
spite of the Synod's fulminations against " untimeous drinking,"
there was a brisk trade done every week.

Macmillan preached in tolerably broad Scotch, not scrupling
to use such words as braiv, and the vernacular thir for these.
It was the common speech of his class and of the best Scottish
society. We can see, from the remains of his printed work, that
he had a style of his own, reflecting the rude energy and quick
wit of his former companions in the farm and sheepfold. The
chief feature of its substance is the wealth of Scriptural refer-
ence, especially to the Old Testament. He was fond of analogies
and illustrations, whether from history or daily life. The inter-
minable divisions and sub-divisions of his " Narrative," and of
the Auchensaugh sermon, were not peculiar to him. They
were in the fashion of his day, and by no means wearisome to
his regular hearers. To a country congregation, minute division
is still acceptable, because it breaks up the solid mass, and
enables an unaccustomed mind to take it in piecemeal. The
ingenious author of Beside the Bonnie Brier Bush has cleverly
shewn how a rustic memory grasps the "heads " of a discourse.!

As a pastor, Macmillan was quite at home. He was a Galloway
man among Galloway folk. He spoke the same tongue, knew
the same life of hardship and rough brotherhood, and was in
fact a " countryman " with a college education. He was no
mere clodhopper, however, but the social equal of his "heritors,"

• Histdry, vol. viii. t See Beside the Bonnie Brier Bush.

Storm. 95

and the superior of most of them in station, morals, and infor-
mation. His chief worlc lay in Clachanpluck, among the villagers,
but many a round would be made, on foot, or riding a rough
pony, through the "farm-towns" and to the distant shepherds'
cottages. At this time, his duty took him frequently to Bal-
raaghie Place, as it was then geneially called. For its owner
lay under heavy censure, and the Presbytery held him in an
unrelenting grip. As the minister went about, he catechised
the people in groups, summoning all and sundry to attend his
"diet " at some central spot. The custom still prevailed as late
as 1840, but its only survival now is a common jest about the
" carritches." Throughout his visitation, there was incessant
prayer. Prayer indeed was the distinguishing feature of a
clergyman. The cottagers still say, " It is nae veesit without a
prayer."

In his domiciliary work, Macmillan kept a watchful guard
over his people's morals. The tone was sufficiently low, and
scandals were sadly abundant. It does not seem to have struck
the clergy of that time, that the housing of the poor was a fre-
quent cause of trouble. Sanitary ideas were still in their infancy.
In any outbreak of moral or physical disease, the Presbytery
thought only of prayer and fasting, when it might have been
better at the same time to set about sweeping and cleaning and
other wholesome works. A pastoral letter was the shot fired at
intemperance or immorality, when a police court would have
done more to check the vice. A solemn fast, with long sermons
and prayers, was the weapon with which the old world clergy
fought a fever or " pest." We should still, perhaps, at present,
have the religious function. Most certainly, however, we should
fight the enemy with medical skill and sanitary appliances.

Macmillan at communion seasons was transfigured, and be-
came a veritable high-priest. It is difficult for a degenerate age
to realise the " Holy Fair" of the old Scottish Church. The

g6 A Cameronian Apostle.

Holy Communion, as a rule, was celebrated on some bright
summer or autumn day. In Balmaghie, it was the second Sunday
of July, or as near to it as possible. From all parts of the parish,
and from neighbouring parishes as well, the people flocked to the
church. It was something like a Scottish " Holy Week." The
" work" began on the Thursday, and was not concluded till the
following Monday. The minister of the parish called to his aid
several of his brethren, who preached in turn. He himself
preached the " action " sermon, a discourse delivered just
before the sacrament was celebrated. And he gave a con-
cluding sermon on the Monday, summing up the various
instructions of the whole " occasion." This was known quite
recently 2l^ purleycneing*

Tokens were given out on the Saturday to such as applied for
them, and were not under scandal. Macmillan's tokens were
lost when Dr. Martin became minister at the end of 1768; but
Mr. Burns, the learned author of the volume on Scottish Com-
munion Plate, has fortunately recovered one specimen, which
has been added to the collection in the General Assembly's
library. The Communion cups were those given in Hew
M'Ghie's ministry, and are still in good condition after well-nigh
300 years. At what time Macmillan's celebrations of this sacra-
ment became specially associated with deep solemnity and con-
viction of sin, it is impossible to say now. But the tradition is,
that none who was unworthy could look on "Macmillan's Cup"
without plain tokens of guilty confusion. The lines in Nichol-
son's " Brownie of Blednoch " are well-known : —

" But he slnde ay awa' or the sun was up,

He ne'er could look straught on Macmillan's cup."

* The word is a corruption of pour la queue. Dugald Williamson of
Tongland was in his time reckoned the best purleycueiug member of the
Presbytery.

Macmillan's Cup (showing Hall Marks) anb Seal.

Storm. 97

This poem appeared in the Dumfries Monthly Magazine for
October, 1825, with a note on these hnes by the author as
follows : — " This cup was treasured by a zealous disciple in the
parish of Kirkcowan, and long used as a test by which to ascer-
tain the orthodoxy of suspected persons."

No trace exists of a Kirkcowan cup, and I assume that
Macmillan, in his Communion service at Auchensaugh, used one
or both of the Balmaghie cups.

The tradition preserved in Nicholson's lines indicates the
profound awe and stern gravity which were soon noted as
qualities of his sacramental occasions. The strictness with
which he '• fenced the tables," and boldly " debarred " from
Communion such as he deemed unworthy, was afterwards illus-
trated at Auchensaugh, where he " debarred " the Queen, the
Parliament, and the ministers of the Established Church.

It is likely, that Macmillan's Communions soon attracted
large numbers of the neighbouring people. In a later time,
" Tongland Sacrament " became similarly frequented, and it is
said that servants, at hiring fairs, long made it a condition that
they should be free to attend either " Tongland Sacrament " or
Keltonhill Fair.

It is worth remarking, that the old custom of " fencing the
tables " was far from being formal or unnecessary, when so
many strangers and outsiders attended the celebrations. At
present, communion rolls are carefully kept, and few "guests,"
as a rule, participate in the rite. It has become a congrega-
tional function, pure and simple. But in that time, men and
women trudged weary miles to be present at a favourite " Sacra-
ment," and hence discipline had to be exercised in the mass,
by such general " debarrings " as were then practised. A vast
deal of inter-parochial life has been lost through the passing
away of the old custom of great Communion gatherings.
Doubtless, abuses crept in, as Burns's "Holy Fair" illustrates

98 A Caineronian Apostle.

so unsparingly. But ministers and people from various parishes
met in fellowship, now hardly known at all.

The other sacrament recognised by the Church, that of
baptism, was usually administered in the sacred building,
although nowadays such a thing is hardly ever seen. Mac-
millan's own children were baptised "on the Lord's Day, in
the presence of the congregation, the mother presenting."* No
font was in existence in 1768, when it is minuted that "there is
no Bason for Baptism." f As I write, I remember that still
there is " no Bason." For baptism is universally in private
houses, and the water is taken from an ordinary bowl.

Macmillan's relations with his people, in all the foregoing
pastoral duties, were from the first most cordial and harmonious.
His call had been unanimous, and with this good beginning he
went on happily. The first storm in his otherwise peaceful
ministry came from the outside, and was brewed in those
" church judicatories " which it was an essential part of iiis duty
to attend regularly.

As we have seen, Macmillan took his seat as a member of
the Presbytery on December 24th, 1700. He was the repre-
sentative or " ruling " elder from the parish of Girthon. He sat
again on March iSth, 1701, when Kells was re-annexed, and
Mr. Ewart, his old minister, once more became a member of
the Court. The same day, M'Ghie of Balmaghie compeared
and confessed his grievous sins. In addition to a darker
scandal, these included " his extravagancies in swearing and
drinking." Cameron was appointed to rebuke him publicly
before the congregation in six weeks' time, in the usual manner,
i.e., the culprit appearing in the "place of repentance," and
dressed in the " habit of sackcloth." M'Ghie was called in,
and the Moderator read this sentence and " did gravely rebuke
him."

* See flyleaf. + See Sess. Minute Book, 1768.

Storm. 99

Immediately before this, another M'Ghie, the laird of Slogarie,
in Balmaghie, was dealt with in absence, and warned that, unless
he submitted, he would be excommunicated. As Macmillan
was then frequently "supplying" the pulpit of Balmaghie, he
may have had to read the citation and warning to this gentle-
man. It may be imagined what condition of things prevailed
when two leading gentlemen of the parish were thus outcasts
from the Church.

Macmillan now ceased to appear as an elder, because he was
on " trials " for his ordination, which took place on September
i8th, 1 701. He attended every succeeding meeting, and as
early as December 9th, he was chosen to act as clerk till next
meeting of Synod. The minutes after this date are frequently
in his handwriting, even after he ceased to be the official secre-
tary. The custom was, apparently, to employ the youngest
ordained member, except in delicate and difficult matters. But
sometimes it happened that one hand wrote the scroll minute
and another engrossed it in the Presbytery's book. It does not
appear that any fee was paid for such labour.

On January 7, 1702, a day of public fasting was appointed,
and a statement of the " causes of the Fast " is engrossed.
These throw light on the moral and religious condition of the
district. Among other causes, are mentioned " gross ignorance,"
"neglect of the duties of godliness in secret, private, and
public," the " manifold witchcrafts," and the " great neglect of
evidencing faithfulness and zeal against such hellish wickedness."
Much emphasis is laid on the " idolatrous popery in the land."
The "dreadful breach" of the "Covenants, National and Solemn
League," is deplored. Reference is made to "profane cuising,
swearing, and banning," as a prevalent vice: as also to " murders,
whereof some are unnatural, uncleanness of all sorts, fornication,
adultery, midst tippling, drunkenness, and revelling, oppression,
cheating, and defect of considerateness in dealing and bargain-

lOO A Canieronian Apostle.

ing . . . lying, slandering, backbiting," and other such sins.
The " barbarous, hellish, and cruel persecution " is also roundly
denounced. Sabbath-breaking by drinking assemblies and
neglect of church attendance : disobedience to parents ; and
coldness and "barrenness" under Gospel ordinances are set
forth as crying evils. Finally, a long paragraph sets forth the
" fearfull incrotchments " made by Erastianism, and the supine-
ness of " church officers " under these, which, " though not
matter of separation, is yet reckoned matter of lamentation."
The picture is a dark one, but the Presbytery and Session
Records of the time shew that it was also a true one. Child-
murder, in particular, was dreadfully common. At the meeting
immediately previous, Macmillan, along with Cameron and
Monteith, had been assigned the sad duty of being present with
a poor unfortunate, called Marion Daa, a former parishioner of
Balmaghie, lying under sentence of death in the Kirkcudbright
Tolbooth, for " murthering of her child, which was unlawfully
begotten." *

But the crowning grievance in this curious list of "causes"
was evidently the " incrotchments." In the light of the events
which followed so swiftly, one might suppose that Macmillan,
Reid, and Tod had a share in drafting this and some other parts
of the manifesto. It was not so, however. The document was
the joint production of Cameron, Telfair, Monteith, and Clark.
It is significant, that they describe the " Erastianism " of the
Church as being " not matter of separation." For here, was
just the point at which issue was soon to be joined in the Pres-
bytery.

Meantime, harmony still prevailed outwardly, and all the
brethren reported at next meeting that they had kept the Fast
in their parishes. The growing uneasiness at " encroachments "

* Presl:>. Rec, December 9th, 1701. They accordingly were present at
the execution.

Storm. I o I

is seen in the overtures sent up from the Presbytery by their
commissioners, who were Warner, Spalding, and Johnston. The
Presbytery overtured the Assembly to declare the jus divinum
of Presbyterianism, and the "intrinsic power " of the Church to
hold her Assemblies and other judicatories. They suggested
that the Covenants should be renewed. They also called for
the suppression of witchcraft, and of two dark sins, adultery and
incest, which they describe as "abounding in the land." Finally,
they demand the energetic enforcement of the laws against
Popery and Quakerism.

Macmillan took part in the ordination of Gordon to Cross-
michael at the next meeting, April 8, 1702. At the same
meeting, the Assembly members gave in their report. They had
given in the overtures, above mentioned, to the Committee on
Overtures ; but " nothing was concluded anent them, in regard
the Assembly rose suddenly, because the king was then reported
to be at the point of death." William died on March 2Sth, and
this minute faithfully reflects the panic and agitation into which
his death threw the Church. All thought of J2is divinum or
intrinsic right, or " renewing " of the Covenants were driven out
by the political crisis. The hopes of men like Macmillan, who
had entered the ministry in the expectation of obtaining reforms,
were instantly discouraged, and finally blasted.

It was known that the new Queen was strongly biassed in
favour of the Episcopalians, and the Presbyterian Establishment
again hung in the balance. It must always be remembered,
that large masses of the people were still Episcopalian, and in
probably not less than 200 parishes, " curates " still held the
benefices and ministered religion.* There was also a certain
residuum of the old Roman Church, figuring incessantly as

* At the Union in 1707, there were 165 "curates" in livings. See
Cunningham, I., 196.

102 A CameJ'onian Apostle.

" Papists " in the Presbytery records. The accession of a
daughter of James VII., the author of the hated "Toleration,"
was well fitted to cause alarm. At such a time, no thought
could be spared for constitutional reforms. Bare existence was
at stake, and the Assembly dispersed in some disorder, no man
being sure of the next step.

The main apprehension was speedily stilled, by the Queen's
recognition of the Establishment in all the rights secured for it
by her predecessor on the throne. But the feeling of relief was
followed by deep searching of heart among the brethren, when
the Privy Council sent down an order for all ministers to
" swear the Allegiance and subscribe the Assurance " to Queen
Anne's Government.

The Presbytery took this communication into serious con-
sideration, and on January 17, 1703, Cameron was appointed
to draw up a " declaration concerning the Oath," which, while
reciting the securities granted to the Church under the Claim of
Right, yielded to the Queen all due subjection and loyalty
within the laws. This was at once signed by Cameron, Mon-
teith, Ewart, Spalding, Falconer, Clark, Johnston, and Gordon.
Warner, Tod, Telfair, and Macmillan, although present, did not
then sign.

On February 9, a second Presbyterial Fast was solemnly
appointed, the "causes " being three in number, viz. : "(1°) the
deplorable division in the bounds, which seemingly increaseth ;
(2°) the deplorable state of the Church of France ; (3°) that
prayer may be put up that the Lord may direct and countenance
the ensuing General Assembly and Parliament." The reference
under the first head is obscure, but we may assume that the
Oath of Allegiance and Bond of Assurance were already pro-
ducing much dissension among the clergy, many of whom
hesitated to accept either or both. The "Church of France"
means of course the Huguenots, who at this time were suffering

Storm. 103

terrible persecutions. The Edict of Nantes had been revoked
in 1685, Scotland's own "killing time," and since then, thou-
sands had been driven from their homes or put to death. The
Assembly was the first of Queen Anne's time, and guidance
would assuredly be needed.

The Presbytery did not fail, at the same meeting, to renew
their previous overtures to the Assembly, and ihey added two
more. One was a demand for the deposition of any minister
who should " seek after, or have the offer of a bishopric, and
comply therewith." The other called for the prohibition of the
" English Service " within the Church, and was aimed at the
remanent "curates."

The first symptoms of " division " appeared in the minute of
April 8, 1703, when Tod of Buittle was dealt with as to state-
ments which he was reported to have made, reflecting on the
brethren who had taken the oath. It was rumoured that he
held the oath to be sinful, and had said that it placed an
Erastian yoke on their necks. Tod, in effect, answered to the
interrogations that these rumours were " arrand lies," and
" further added, that although he looked upon the said oath as
sinful, yet he looked not upon it as a ground of separation ; and
that he would not separate unless the Presbytery thrust him to
the door, and then he knew what to do." The moderator at
this stage admonished him to " forbear all divisive courses."

Such was the first muttering of the storm, which broke out
more fully at the next meeting, May 15. Tod was not present,
but divisions appeared in another quarter of the Presbytery's
bounds. " This day," says the minute, " John Thomson in
Castell in the parish of Rerrick, came in with several other men
with him, designing themselves the commissioners from the
societies of five parishes, and offered a paper to the Presbytery
entitled, ' The causes given them by the Church, hindering
their communion therewith.' "

I04 A Cavieronian Apostle.

These were evidently the elected representatives from the
Society people of certain parishes not specified, -one of which,
no doubt, was Rerrick, and possibly Balmaghie, Carsphairn, and
Buittle were also represented. They were questioned by the
moderator, whether they had come to " calumniate the Church,
or to receive light," and whether they would accept the Presby-
tery's decision as binding. They ignored the embarrassing query
first put, but as to the second point, they frankly declared that
they could not own the Presbytery as a "judicatory of Christ."
Thereupon, the Presbytery very naturally declined to receive
their paper. The deputies then " took instruments in the clerk's
hands," as did also the moderator on behalf of the Presbytery.
This meant that each party protested its bona fides, the Presby-
tery, in particular, declaring that it refused the deputation a
hearing solely on the ground that they would not own its
authority.

The dilemma of these good men was one on which the
Society people were constantly impaled. If the judicatories
were true courts of Christ's Church on earth, then why refuse to
own and submit^to them ? If they were not, why approach
them at all with papers or protests ?

This scene was at once followed by a dramatic incident,
which, even in the formal minute, has a strange interest. " This
day, Mr. Macmillan gave in a sort of a verbal protest against all
the evils of this Church ; to which the moderator said, ' And so
doe we all of us.' As also, Mr. Macmillan declared that he
would withdraw from the Presbytery for three or four Presbytery
days, and perhaps longer, and refused to give the reasons of his
withdrawing : moreover, declared that he had no correspon-
dency with John Thomson and his followers, and disapproved
their actings as irregular. Upon which he went out, and the
Presbytery, considering the matter, thought fit to send the clerk
to call him in, that the Presbytery might discourse more fully.

Storm. 105

And being come in, the moderator spoke gravely to him, and
desired the grounds why he withdrew from the Presbytery. To
which he answered, that he withdrew not from this Presbytery
only, but from the whole National Church of Scotland as now
established, and that the Oath of Allegiance, as cumulative to
other defections, was the grounds of his withdrawing, and that
he declared he knew not whether this Church was Presbyterian
or Episcopal, in regard the General Assembly had not declared
the same by their explicit act. Whereto the moderator, in name
of the rest, answered to the first, that the Oath of Allegiance
was not sin, but duty, and a walking conform to the principles
of our covenanted work of Reformation, which the Presbytery
was able to make appear against all gainsayers. And to the
second, that the divine right of Presbytery did not depend on a
declaration of the General Assembly, but upon the Word of
God, neither was ever a Church Government exercised by
Sessions, Presbyteries, Synods, national and provincial, without
prelates, doubted to be a Presbyterian Church before. But Mac-
millan asserted he would speak no more at that time, and
removing himself, the moderator, in name and authority of the
Presbytery, required him to attend the Presbytery for converse,
and act as a co-presbyter conform to his ordination engagements.
But he refused and went forth. The Presbytery reserves the
consideration of this till the next."

From the above, it is clear that Macmillan's hopes had sunk
so low that he began to entertain doubts of the lawfulness of
further association with the Church in its present course. Ab-
sence or " withdrawing " from the meetings was jealously noted,
as the outward sign of dissatisfaction and divisiveness. Ac-
cordingly we find a committee appointed at next meeting, June
8, to go to the manse of Buittle and converse with Tod, who
was a second time absent without excuse, and was known to
have intimated from the pulpit "public exercise in his house"

H

io6 A Caineronian Apostle.

the day of the last meetnig. Macmillan's absence was also dis-
cussed, and the Presbytery, considering his "offensive carriage"
at the last meeting, appointed a second committee to converse
with him at the manse of Balmaghie. In each case, if the com-
mittee found " noe satisfaction," they were to cite the absent
brother to attend next meeting.

Tod proved amenable to " converse," and promised to attend
a meeting at New Galloway on July 6. Macmillan declined to
attend the next meeting, but proffered an excuse which the com-
mittee did not believe. They therefore cited him, and, as he
did not appear, the Presbytery appointed another committee.

At the New Galloway meeting on July 6, a new offender ap-
peared in the person of Reid of Carsphairn, whose absence for
some time had attracted the jealous eye of his brethren. Mac-
millan and Tod came late. Their affair was delayed to the
sessio secunda at 5 p.m., when the first demonstration was made
of joint action by the trio of absentees. They produced now a
paper, which they desired to be read " instantly." A long de-
bate ensued. At last the three malcontents were requested to
retire, while the Presbytery further deliberated. Thereupon,
Macmillan took the lead, and shewed his quickness in applying
Church forms of process. He declared that if they withdrew at
the Presbytery's request, they were "stated" (we say nowadays
sisted) as parties at the bar. The Presbytery ignored the objec-
tion, and the three brethren retired. A vote was taken, and it
was unanimously agreed, late as it then was, to hear the paper
read ; but to stipulate that the Presbytery's official answer to the
paper should be a written one. This was meant to avoid diffi-
culties which might arise from a verbal discussion.

The trio were then recalled, and judgment intimated. Mac-
millan, for himself and the other two, at once protested, and
" dieted " a formal statement to the clerk urging that, having
been received as co-presbyters, they should not have been

Storm. 1 07

treated as parties. Tod also added a complaint, that they were
not to be permitted to discuss the paper, but bound down to
written answers.

We pause to say, emphatically, that at this critical stage the
Presbytery went wrong, whatever may be held as to their later
actings. Undoubtedly these three men were members of court.
They were not as yet under any libel. They were entitled to
vote along with their brethren until a libel should be duly drawn
up and served. To exclude them, while a secret discussion and
vote were taken, was in the highest degree irregular and un-
just.

The formidable paper, thus wrangled over, will be found
elsewhere. It was the " Grievances." The reading was followed
by " long conference," during which the three grew impatient,
and " went out without leave asked or given, and left the Pres-
bytery, though called to attend." Tod, however, promised to
attend next meeting. It was nearly midnight when Warner
produced a letter ot advice from the Commission on the affair ;
surely a strange suppression of so important a document. Tel-
fair was commissioned to take up a reply to Edinburgh, along
with all the documents, and to ask for a committee to come
and help in settling the matter.

In order to prepare an answer to the " Grievances," a com-
mittee was appointed, consisting of Warner, Telfair, Cameron,
Boyd, Ewart, and Monteith. These men may therefore be re-
garded as the elite of the whole Presbytery for learning and
character. A reference to the details* given in a former chap-
ter will shew how little sympathy Macmillan's strict and uncom-
prising views could expect from them.

* See Chap. iv.

CHAPTER VII.

1703.

STRESS.

The " Grievances " discussed — The " Answers " given in, and discussed —
Protestation by the Three Ministers — An Agreement made — Dispute
over Oath of Allegiance — The Synod's "Act" — Reid dealt with —
Macniillan dealt with — His subsequent remarks — Action by the Pres-
bytery in consequence — A Committee to " pose " him.

IV /TACMILLAN to the last held, that the moving cause
"^ ■*- which led to his being accused and deposed was the
" Grievances." In this chapter, therefore, we shall first consider
the " Grievances," and then record the events which culminated
in the trial and sentence.

On a careful examination, it is seen at once that, although
no less than twelve separate abuses are named, they all in some
form or other flow from the first. This complaint is, that the
divine right of Presbytery has never been explicitly set forth in
an Act of the General Assembly, and recognised by the State.
The "intrinsic power" is a direct inference from the "divine
right," and the grievances, which refer to invasions of this power,
are all based on the initial maxim, that the Church, being
divinely appointed, is subject to no earthly restraints. Macmiilan
declares that the " intrinsic power " is " now become a case of
confession." In other words, it was in his view a doctrine
ignored or denied by the State, and not strenuously maintained,
at any cost, by the Church.' Hence, the true Christian must
confess it before men, by taking such individual action as seemed
possible. The arbitrary dissolution of one Assembly, and the

Stress. 109

equally arbitrary convoking of another, the " tergiversing " of
the Moderator and Clerk, the failure to assert, at Queen Anne's
accession, that Presbytery was founded on the Word of God, all
these were infringements of the "intrinsic power," or divine
right of the Church. Macmillan complained of certain other
abuses, connected partly with the past, and partly with the
present. Curates had been taken into the Church, indulged
ministers had never been required to do penance : the burning
of the Covenants at Linlithgow had not been expiated : the Act
Rescissory had not been rescinded in its turn : malignants, or
persons guilty of persecuting the Covenanters, were left un-
molested : discipline was relaxed, and fines too often taken in
place of true repentance : the Oath of Allegiance and Bond of
Assurance had been generally accepted by ministers, as a con-
dition of continuing to hold their sacred office.

Such, roughly stated, is Macmillan's indictment, and it bears
out the statement that the whole controversy flowed from the
question of i\\tji/s divinum. Is the Church of Scotland merely
an institution established by the State because (as the Claim of
Right put it) it is "agreeable to the inclinations of the people?"
Or is it a divine body, the very body of Christ, appointed in all
its parts by him or his immediate disciples, and therefore the
true Church, whether " agreeable " or not ? Let it be remem-
bered, that all Macmillan's co-presbyters professed to hold the
jxis divinum. As we have seen, his Presbytery had twice over-
tured the General Assembly to declare it. Macmillan occupied
the strongest logical ground, when he said, that the divine
authority of the Church excluded interference by a secular hand
with its courts, or with the members thereof, whether by calling
or dissolving Assemblies, or by imposing oaths of allegiance, as
a qualification for the holy ministry.

VVe shall see how the Presbytery's best wits were tried to
meet Macmillan's logic. The Committee were allowed 20 days

iio A Cainero7iian Apostle.

to "have their thoughts." Accordingly, they reported on 28th
July, that the Answers were ready, and asked that "some might
be appointed to transcribe them " into the Presbytery's book, a
copy to be also given to Maciuillan, who, alone of the three,
was then present. Cameron and Ewart were chosen as the scribes,
and the work was to be done while the Presbytery continued
to sit. Macmillan shewed impatience, saying he had come
specially to get these Answers \ and he intimated that he would
not stay longer that day, but send over for them " the morrow
morning." The Presbytery, however, had now received directions
from the Commission how to proceed. They admonished the
impatient brother to "walk orderly," and bade him "sitt down."
Accordingly, he " satt down," but declared that he would give
no reply to the Presbytery's paper " until he had consulted the
other two brethren." There is much cause to think, that the
'•' other two " by this time, were meditating submission.

It was not till the 17th of August, at a meeting held at Pol-
sack in Balmaghie, that the " Answers " were finally adjusted.
Macmillan absented himself, as did the other two. But he had
probably already seen the rough draught. A copy was ordered
to be made in mundo, and sent to him, to be communicated by
him to Reid and Tod. All three were to be written to, and
certified that, if they did not attend next meeting or send a
" relevant excuse," the Presbytery would proceed against them
without further delay. Such, indeed, were the instructions re-
ceived from headquarters, where no mercy was shewn to
ministers of Macmillan's stamp, who were regarded as a danger
to the Church in such unsettled times.

These "Answers" fill 14 folio pages of the records, and
certainly exhibit a masterly hand throughout, which I take to
be Cameron's. The whole ground is covered with such care
and detail, as to make the document a valuable one, in the light
of present-day discussions.

Sfress. 1 1 1

Regarding the Jus divinum and its consequence, the " in-
trinsic power," both are admitted and maintained in theory. In
practice it is owned that there is defect. But it is pointed out
that no fewer than twenty-four Presbyteries had overtured the
last Assembly (being Queen Anne's first) to assert the divine
right and power. Of these, the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright
was one. And it is admitted that it would be well if the As-
sembly were conjunctly dissolved, as formerly, by the Moderator
saying " /« the name of the Lord Jesus Christy the alone King
and Head of the Chjirch." This grievance was remedied in
the following year, when the custom at present in use was
restored. So far the Presbytery's position seems to be that
a gradual assertion and acquisition of the Church's rights
are being made. This is the gist of their remarks on all the
points immediately connected with the intrinsic power and
divine right. They say, in effect, " We hold these doctrines as
strongly as you do, but we are more patient than you are in
trying to secure their embodiment in a National Church." The
argument is, therefore, that the Presbytery are conscious of
grievances, but labouring to redress them, and not without some
success.

When, however, the other matters of detail are touched, the
answer given is either a flat denial of matters of fact, or a re-
fusal to debate matters belonging to the past. As practical
men, the Presbytery urge that these bygone events, such as the
Indulgences, the burning of the Covenants, and the persecu-
tions, should be allowed to rest in the grave of the past. " Let
the dead bury their dead."

The conclusion of the " Answers " is not without a touch of
pathos and eloquence. " These are our grievances as well as
yours." . . . " If a Church be orthodox in doctrine . , .
pure in worship . . . there can be no ground of withdraw-
ing from her, though there be defects of particular judicatories

112 A Caineronian Apostle.

in the exercise of discipline, besides other grievances. It's easy
for you to carp at defects in the Church, but let us see what
help ye will give us to redress them." An appeal is made to the
complainers to return to brotherly ways, in the face of the
abounding scandals in the Presbytery. " Our hands are few and
weak." Their separation from the Presbytery will further
weaken the Church, and the enemies " are watching at the
gate."

Reading such sentences in modern light, one feels that they
have a ring of sincerity. At the same time it is undeniable
that they embody an attempt to obscure the issue. Macmillan,
at least, was prepired to say Fiat justitia, ruat coelum. Let the
Establishment perish, provided the absolute divine truth be held
fast ! But he had to deal with men of business, not of theories.
To themjy'V/j' diviniitn and " intrinsic power" were principles of
faith. Expediency and compromise were principles of policy.
They were not prepared to go out again into the wilderness.
Much had been conceded already by the State, and more would
yet be gained in quieter times. As Monteith said, half remorse-
fully, they could not do more than they did*, without losing all
for which they and their fathers had fought and bled. Was it
wise, or patriotic, or even Christian, to pull down the whole
house, because of a defective gable-end, or a little portion
affected with dry rot? The Church was not all they had hoped,
but it was more than they could afford to despise. And so,
these wise fathers and brethren practically besought Macmillan
to swallow his scruples, as they were doing. He must " grin and
bear it,'' hoping for a recompense. Or else he must go out alone
into the darkness.

The Presbytery's " Answers " concluded with a sharp com-
mand, and something like a threat "... we require you

* Testimony, p. 47.

Stress. 1 1 3

to consider thir things, to live orderly and peaceably in brotherly
love with us, who are willing for the peace of the Church, to let
fall bygone mistakes. But withal, we must tell you, if ye con-
tinue to provoke this Church by such uncharitable and unchris-
tian calumnies, schism and contumacy added thereunto, ye will
expose yourselves to her just censure. Your positive and
express answer is required, with respect to thir things, namely,
what use ye intend to make of them, whether to withdraw from
us, or continue with us. . . ."

It is observable that the Presbytery, from this point, treated
Macmillan differently from the other two "dissenting brethren,"
as the minute of August 17 styles them. For while Boyd is
appointed to write to Reid his neighbour, and Falconer in like
manner is to write to Tod ; in Macmillan's case, the " Clerk of
the Presbytery " is specified as the person who is to communi-
cate with him. It is true that the Clerk at this time was Gordon
of Crossmichael, Macmillan's neighbour; but this was a pure
coincidence, arising from his being the youngest ordained
minister.

The Presbytery's tactics were clear. They aimed at cutting
up the small band, and dealing with each offender separately.
In this design they ultimately succeeded, but not until the three
brethren had, as required, tendered a joint answer to the Pres-
bytery's remonstrances. This answer took the familiar form of
a " protestation," and is here given verbatim : —

" Protestation against all the corruptions, defections, errors,
and mismanagements, in the Church Government of Scotland
as now established ; in particular, against the Presbytery of
Kirkcudbright for not disowning them and endeavouring their
redress :

" Whereas, it is sufficiently plain to all unbiassed, impartial
and discerning ministers and Christians within the National
Church, that there are many things amiss in the present consti-
tution, especially as it is ecclesiastic or relates to the Church, of

114 ^ Ca)iieronian Apostle.

which a catalogue, so far as we know, hath been produced to
the Judicatory for reraeed and redress, as far as is proper to
them and within their power : and yet the said Judicatory
having given no satisfying answers thereto, as is wished, which
is evident in their ' Answers ' to the said Grievances represented
to them :

"Therefore, we, undersubscribing ministers, elders, and Chris-
tians who will adhere to us, protests and declares against all the
corruptions as enumerated in the said catalogue and representa-
tion, and all others not named in the said catalogue. And
hereby we avouch ourselves bound in conscience to disown the
said corruptions, and humbly requires you, the Presbytery of
Kirkcudbright, to renounce the same ; and thereupon takes in-
struments and craves an extract.

" Written and subscribed by the Clerk at the said Presbytery's
appointment, requiring that this our Protest may be insert in
your Presbytery Book. In testimony whereof we have subscribed
the presents at Polsack, the 30th of August, 1 703. Sic sub-
scribitur : —

J. Reid.
William Tod.

J. M'xMlLLAN."

A clause was added as follows : —

" This Protestation, being for the exoneration of our con-
sciences, is not to be interpreted a separation from the Church
of Scotland, but to have these our Grievances redressed in an
orderly way. And we hereby engage to concur in our capacity
for redress of the same, and in other duties according to the
Word of God, and our Covenanted Work of Reformation."

It must be owned that the terms of the foregoing " Protesta-
tion " were sufficiently irritating, coming as it did from three of
the youngest and least noted members. The " Judicatory "
would not have been human, if it had not shewn some annoy-
ance at such expressions as " no satisfying answer ; " " requires
you the said Presbytery to renounce the same." Cameron had
lavished all his learning and wit on the "Answers," and his only
reward is to be curtly told that he has failed to satisfy these

Stress. 1 1 5

men, who had no claim to scholarship at all. The Presbytery
is solemnly and particularly accused of breach of duty in not
disowning and redressing the "corruptions."' In short, the
document, whether intentionally or not, was fitted to provoke
severe reprisals. It was little else than an informal " Libel "
against the Presbytery. And it might well be answered by a
formal "Libel" against its authors.

The Presbytery, however, did not wish to have three criminals
to deal with at one time. " For peace sake " they consented to
receive and record the whole paper as above. The additional
clause was an afterthought, and furnished at a later stage a
battle-ground between Macmillan and his critics, who held it to
be a renewed pledge of obedience to the Church Courts. His
contention, however, was then and always, that he was no sepa-
ratist, but a steadfast upholder of a i)ure national religion.

The Presbytery inflicted upon itself and its disturbers the
penance of hearing the entire "Grievances" and "Answers"
read over at this meeting. This work must have consumed
at least an hour and a half. At the close of it, the Presbytery
recorded a brief criticism of the " Protestation," reaffirming their
position, namely, that the real "Grievances" were theirs as well
as Macmillan's, and were being redressed as far as the Presby-
tery could procure. They pronounced the Protestation to be
excessive and groundless, unless as a protest against the Oath
of Allegiance.

As soon as this stage was reached, Reid rose and " declared
that he was not free to join with ministers who have taken the
Oath of Allegiance to the Queen at the administration of the
Sacrament of the Lord's Supper; to which Mr. Macmillan ad-
hered." This fresh outbreak produced a commotion in the
Court. Monteith, Ewart, Spalding, Falconer, Johnston, and
Gordon, announced that " they could not in conscience act with
the said two brethren in Presbytery until they had retracted."

Ii6 A Cameronian Apostle.

As we have seen, these ministers, along with Cameron and
Clark, had all signed the Declaration and Bond of Assurance
at the beginning of this year. They now argued that this new
statement was in direct violation of the engagement just given
by the three protesters, to "concur" with their fellow-ministers.

The argument was specious, but it falls to pieces when we
note that the Presbytery added new matter by singling out the
Oath of Allegiance as the true and only substantial grievance of
the three brethren. Let it be remembered that there was much
doubt felt all over the Church regarding this Oath. Was it to
be silently endured, that now the protesters should be singled
out as having specially refused the pledge of loyalty to the
Queen? Macmillan was willing to " concur " with the Presby-
tery as a Court of Christ, but not as a Court of Queen Anne.
Hence the new protest of Reid, to which he adhered, and which
at once practically separated both of them from the majority of
their brethren.

Here, the matter rested for the next two months. But in that
interval, the Synod's advice was asked, and on the prompting of
the leading opponents of Macmillan, an Act of the Synod was
read at the Presbytery's meeting on November 2, which was a
meeting " for prayer and privy censures." We have described
the modus operandi at these sittings. The brethren were re-
moved " two by two," and returning, " were exhorted and
admonished as cause was found, except Messrs. Reid and Mac-
millan, of whom annone." It may be noted, that Tod was
absent from this and subsequent meetings until the final deposi-
tion scene took place. The Synod's Act was as follows : —

"The Synod, upon some reports they heard of Messrs. Reid,
Tod, and Macuullan, in the Presbytery's censures, having called
the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright to give an account how matters
stood betwixt the Presbytery and them, and the said Presbytery
having given an account of the true state of affairs betwixt them,
did by their vote appoint the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright to lay

Stress. 1 1 7

before the brethren all their miscarriages they know, whether
doctrinal or practical, contrair to their engagements at their
ordination, and the order of this Church. And if they answer
not the Presbytery salisfyingly for what is past, and give security
of their orderly behaviour in time coming, that they may either
call for correspondents from neighbouring presbyteries to be
assisting to them, or else advise the Moderator of the Synod to
call the Synod /w re naid ; or further, that they may either
refer the matter to the Commission of the General Assembly, or
crave a committee of their number for assistance to the Synod,
as they shall see cause. And in the meantime, appoints the
Presbytery of Wigtown to correspond with the Presbytery of
Kirkcudbright, ay and until these differences be brought to a
final conclusion." The Presbytery "did read the samen to-
gether with some particulars given by a private hand against
Messrs. Reid and Macmillan, at the Synod."*

One can only endorse Macmillan's own criticism f on the
extraordinary procedure of a Court, which acted so energetically
upon an ex park statement, and on such flimsy evidence as
" some particulars given by a private hand " against persons not
present or formally accused. These " particulars " could never
be obtained, although Macmillan demanded a copy. The
Presbytery, however, at once proceeded to deal with Reid and
Macmillan, Tod being meanwhile absent.

Reid was taken first, and was "posed" with certain of the
"particulars" from the "private hand." It seems, that he had
been tracked by a hostile hearer from one place to another, and
some of his utterances had been taken down. For instance,
*' about a year or two agoe," he was accused of teaching at a
Sacramental occasion, that the Lord's Supper was a "converting
ordinance," and " debarring " all who would not accept and
approve all the testimonies of the late sufferers in " houses,
fields, scaffolds, or elsewhere." Reid explained, that what he
really said was, that preaching about the Lord's Supper was

* Presb. Rec, Nov. 2, 1703. t See Appendix.

1 1 8 A Cainero7iian Apostle.

"means of conversion;" and that his "debarring" was rash,
and " should have been qualified by these words, 'according to
the Word of God.'" Then, there was a "flagrant report" re-
garding an utterance at Straiton in the Presbytery of Ayr, to the
effect that "Jephthah's vow, Judges xi. 32, was neither rash nor
indeliberate, otherways (said he), ' a cat or a dog might have
met him from his house at his return, as well as his daughter.'"
Here, Reid answered that he remembered no such thing. He
was further accused of a Socinian error in his presbyterial exer-
cise, when a member of Wigtown Presbytery, and finally of
making, on September 28, 1703, "his repentance in the pulpit
of Carsphairn " for taking the Oalh of Allegiance to the late
King William. The Socinianism he denied; and as to the
Oath, he explained, that he gave the statement challenged as
only one of his scruples regarding the new Oath to Queen x\nne,
that his former subscription to King William "grumbled his
conscience." But the public recantation, he also denied. The
Presbytery praised his " candor and readiness to take with mis-
takes." And on a further pledge of concurrence and non-
separation, provided the Presbytery sought redress of the
"grievances," they "for peace sake, did pass all bygone as to
Mr. Reid, if he carry as he has engaged." But otherwise, if
he should prove " turbulent and divisive," he was threatened
with censure.

With Macmillan, no doctrinal questions arose. The whole
examination, to which he was now subjected, referred to the
question of separation from the Presbytery. Macmillan, on the
renewed understanding that the Presbytery would take action
for reform, agreed to " recede or resile " from his position taken
up on May nth, namely, that he would absent himself "for
three or four Presbytery days." Further, he declared his ad-
herence to his ordination vows. Thereupon, though without
any such expression of satisfaction as in Reid's case, they, "being

Stress. 119

desirous to be as condescending as they could, for peace sake
do pass all bygone differences and misbehaviours of said Mr.
John Macmillan, declaring that, if he behave not orderly for the
future, but shall be turbulent or divisive, that then all former
things, now passed from, shall be revived, and he censured for
them, with those new offences, as shall be found just."

Macmillan was evidently already unpopular among his
brethren, and the submission wrung from him was, on the face
of it, a hollow one, and founded on a hollow pledge of forth-
coming reforms. And it soon appeared, how little it had altered
his feelings as to the situation. The agreement was made on a
Tuesday, November 2, and on the following Friday, November
5, according to the Libel, it was alleged that he remarked to
" George Mackguffog in Drumleane, an elder," that " the Pres-
bytery and he were agreed." On the Sunday following, Novem-
ber 7, however, he is stated to have said from the pulpit, that
"no such agreement is like to be," and "spake of 'Clubbing'
with the Presbytery." Macmillan's explanation was, that "when
he went to his studies the said Friday at even, they did not go
with him, and that he had not freedom in prayer." His re-
marks, on this memorable first Sunday of November seem,
according to the Libel, to have been full of references to the
crisis. He said, " there were once three that stood for the
Truth, but now he knew not, but there was but one ; and that,
though they should all leave him, he resolved to stand where he
was." Further, he declared, that " he laid his account to be
persecuted by the ministry for these things." Then, on the
third Sunday, November 21, he "desired the people of Bal-
maghie to stick by him ; and if they would not, he would stand
to his hazard."

All these excited utterances, perhaps a little garbled, were duly
reported to the Presbytery by " several of the brethren," who
had gathered them from " some of the elders and people of

I20 A Canieronian Apostle.

Balmaghie." Immediately it was agreed (" nemine contradi-
cente'") to appoint Cameron, Falconer, Monteith, Johnston,
Gordon, and Campbell of Minnigaff, a " corresponding member "
from Wigtown, with " George Meik, late bailie of Kirkcudbright,
ruling elder," to deal at once with the recalcitrant brother. No
time was to be lost. They were to go next day to the manse,
or " any other parts of the parish where Mr. Macmillan may be
found." They were to " pose " him as to these alleged expres-
sions, to demand his renewed adherence to the recent agree-
ment, and to insist on a pledge to be subject to the Presbytery.
Failing satisfaction, they were empowered to draw up a libel,
beginning from his first " off-breaking," and proceeding " step by
step." This libel they were directed to deliver to the accused,
and, at the same time, to cite him to appear at a Visitation to
be held at Balmaghie Church on the 28th December, or three
weeks thence. Macmillan was to be ordered to intimate the
Visitation, but Monteith was appointed to preach at it.

CHAPTER VIII.

1703-

ADRIFT.

Macmillan " posed " at Baluiaghie Place — A Libel served — The Visitation
— " Scene " before it — Macmillan's Sermon criticised — Queries to
people — Proposed New Agreement — Composition of Court — -Macmil-
lan's Response — The Trial begins — Dispute between Cameron and
Macmillan — Protestation by the people — And by Macmillan — The
Presbytery is "declined" by both —An adjournment to Crossmichael
Church — The Court melting away — Macmillan deposed unanimously by
II Ministers — Length of the sederunt — Scene at early dawn.

npHE pace was quickening, and a few more strides bring us
-*- to the final scene. On 28tli December, 1703, the Presby-
tery assembled at Balmaghie Church. This was a Tuesday, and
the sittings were continued all day without any apparent inter-
mission, from ten a.m. In the interval, the Presbytery's Com-
mittee had hunted out Macmillan, and had run him to earth
at " Balmaghie Place." There they had " posed " him for many
hours as to the alleged statements which were in question ; but
he was now on his guard, and demanded that proof should be
led. The Committee had attempted to extract a pledge of sub-
mission, but in vain. At last, " it being very late in a gentle-
man's house," they had adjourned, after agreeing to draw up a
libel, and entrusting Cameron and Monteith with the task.
They had also cited Macmillan to the Visitation, and appointed
him to preach. He had answered that he would certainly inti-
mate the Visitation, but " knows not if he will preach." All

I

122 A Canieronian Apostle.

this was duly reported on 2Sth December, and the libel was laid
on the table.

Before the actual trial began, a curious scene took place at the
manse. Cameron and Tod had arrived first, and Macmillan,
probably not relishing their company, hurried out of the house
to conduct service. Cameron hotly remonstrated against be-
ginning before the brethren were assembled.* It was an hour
before the usual time of sermon at such meetings. There ap-
pears to have been an established custom, as the Presbytery's
minute says : — " An hour sooner than ordinary on the Presby-
tery days, when the brethren met in the parish of Balmaghie, in
which the Presbytery meets frequently, being the midest of the
Presbytery bounds." As Macmillan issued from the manse, he
met his friend Reid of Carsphairn at the door, and noticed
" several others within gunshot." So he himself declares in his
second defence, the " Examination tried and found false. "f A
reference to the " Narrative " will show that he held the Presby-
tery to be convened before he began to preach. In any case,
it is clear that he mounted the pulpit in some haste, leaving his
reverend visitors to straggle in as best they could.

The church had been crowded long before the service began.
Macmillan preached on the same text as he had chosen more
than two years before, when he first occupied that pulpit as the
ordained minister of Balmaghie. It was Psalm Ixii. 8 — '•^ Pour
out your hearts before him.'' He had been " upon " this text for
some Sundays, and in the snappish criticisms recorded in the
Presbytery minutes it is complained that he did not give the

* The minute of Presbytery says : — " But he (Macmillan) answered
superciliously, that the people were met, and he would wait no longer upon
them."

t The Examinatioti of the True Narrative tried and found false, 1706.
Anonymous, but undoubtedly the work of the same hand as the "True
Narrative."

Adrift. 123

"heads " of his former sermons, nor "hold forth that which is
principal and most essential in pouring out of the heart before
God." It is also complained that he " had no application," and
that in his prayers, first and last, he never once mentioned the
^'isitatio^, or asked for direction to the Presbytery, although he
" prayed for direction to himself and the people.''

There is something positively astounding in the procedure at
this point. Macmillan had been served with a libel by the Com-
mittee " timeously," so as to be prepared to give answers that
day. Monteith had been appointed by the Presbytery to preach,
it being manifestly irregular to follow the usual custom of com-
mitting the religious service to the minister of the parish visited.
For the minister of the parish was practically under discipline.
Yet first the Committee, of which Monteith himself was chair-
man, upset this appointment, and permit or require Macmillan
to preach. Then the Presbytery find fault with every part of
his service. The sermon was an hour too soon ; the brethren
" heard little " of the service in consequence ; he " had no
application " \ he did not pray for " direction " to the brethren
in the work of visitation ! Such complaints border on tlie
ludicrous, when it is remembered that they are made by judges
against an accused person. What sort of " application '' could
the criminal venture to make to the bench of judges ? Was it
reasonable to expect him to pray, that they might be "directed "
how best to convict and punish him ?

Macmillan deeply felt the unfair treatment which he received
in this respect, and did not scruple to assert, in his anonymous
tracts, that he had been entrapped. As we saw, the appoint-
ment to preach took him by surprise ; at first he did not know
if he would do so. The snare which he believed was laid for
him was this — If he did not preach he was disobedient ; if he
did, he might be challenged as acting unlawfully.* The incon-

* See Narrative.

124 ^ Canieronian Apostle.

sistent action of the Presbytery may well breed a doubt as to
their fairness and fitness in the whole judicial proceedings.

After service, the people had flocked out for a little, while the
Presbytery read over the minutes and papers, and elaborated the
above remarkable criticisms. Macmillan also had retired, but
was at length called in to hear the observations on his pulpit
ministrations. As soon as the people saw their minister re-enter
the church, they also came in " in a disorderly way, without
being called." The Presb}tery were now face to face with the
real offenders, for nothing is more certain than that Macmillan
alone could not for a moment have withstood the Presbytery's
will.

It was an eventful hour in the parish history, and it is interest-
ing to note the constitution of the Court assembled in the little
parish church. Of the clergy, all at first were there but Bryden
and Hay. Bryden was in poor health ; Hay afterwards fell into
disrepute, and perhaps already he was in evil odour. Boyd, who
should have presided, begged to be excused on the ground of
" indisposition " ; and Ewart, whom we have supposed to be
Macmillan's former pastor in Kells, and who was no friend to
the accused, was chosen to fill the Moderator's chair. In ac-
cordance with the Synod's Act, two " correspondents " from
Wigtown Presbytery attended — viz., Mr. Rowan of Penning-
hame and Mr. Campbell of Minnigaff. I'hus, the ministers
from Macmillan's parishes of boyhood and early manhood were
nil present. Twelve elders brought up the bench of judges to
the total of 27, out of a possible attendance of 33. We exclude
Macmillan, as being accused, but include his elder, Alexander
Cairns of Garroch, as entitled to vote if he chose. The case
had evidently roused the deepest interest, since so full an atten-
dance was seen. Seldom had so many as 12 out of 16 ruling
elders attended a meeting. Had they remained to the close, the
result might have been different.

Adrift. 125

The Presbytery were, from the first, agitated and intimidated
by the great gathering of parishioners, which packed every cor-
ner of the small building, and overflowed into the churchyard.
They made a feeble attempt to go through the usual routine of
a Visitation, by asking if the meeting had been " timeously inti-
mated," to which an affirmative answer was given. But the pre-
tence was not further kept up at this stage ; for they at once
proposed terms of arcommodation. Would Macmillan promise
to adhere to the Agreement of Nov. 3, and in future submit to
the Presbytery ? He replied that it was " a matter of moment,''
and craved halfan-hour to consider and consult. This was
granted, and he retired.

In order to fill up the interval, some questions were put to
the people without attempting to interrogate heritors, elders,
and congregation separately, as the usual rule was. This elicited
the facts that the church had "two communion cups and tables,
but no cloaths, beinks (benches), nor tokens ; " that there was
about ^23 Scots of "mortified money;" that they "led the
minister's peats;" and that the manse was in "good case."
Being next asked why the church was "in so ill case," they
replied that " they had agreed with a sclatter (slater), and he
had cheated them, but they were agreeing with another."

This perfunctory examination was now interrupted by Mac-
millan's return, and a scene of great excitement followed. When
asked once more if he would sign the proposed new agreement
he " began to discourse, with this preface, That he blessed the
Lord that had perfected praise out of the mouth of babes, as we
have always reason to bless him. 'And I may say' (said he),
' as great Rutherford said, that Christ can ride upon a windle-
straw, and his horse not stumble ! ' And then directly answered,
that he could not answer it at all till he be excused from the
Libel. To this, his answer, he added with a loud voice, turning
his face to the people, and in a violent and flouting manner

126 A Cameronian Apostle.

said, ' The parish of Balmaghie would have a bonnie bird of me
to be their minister — a brave minister — a bonnie dearie indeed,
if I subscribe this till I be excused from the Libel ! ' "

As it was afterwards asserted by Cameron and others, that at
this stage Macmillan refused a " condescending accommoda-
tion," it is only fair to set the facts in the clearest light. Mac-
millan was then an accused person, having been served with a
libel. Suddenly, he is asked to sign a pledge of absolute sub-
mission to the Presbytery, his judges, and so to escape the trial
and sentence. As an honest man he recoiled from the tempta-
tion. The submission demanded of him amounted to a betrayal
of his own testimony in the " Grievances." He was asked to
bind himself, hand and foot, against any further action, such as
he and his two older friends had already taken. If he agreed
to this, he might as well for the future cut out his tongue, so far
as he would be entitled to protest against any further encroach-
ments by the State. He would become a " dumb dog that can-
not bark," or, as he himself put it in his native Doric, "a bonnie
bird to be a minister ! "

Moreover, he was morally and legally right in saying to his
Presbytery : " You have accused me, now try me ; but do not
ask me to sign or say anything which may be used to my hurt."
That, surely, is a first principle of justice and fair-play.

The Presbytery now abandoned further parley and proceeded
in due form to establish the legal service of the Libel on
December 13, by the Presbytery officer, in presence of two wit-
nesses, James Macmillan, the brother of the accused,* and
David Clacharty, a deacon of the church. The copy thus
served on Macmillan was now " collated " with the Presbytery's
original, found an exact one, and signed by the Clerk. The
Libel was at once found relevant, />'., legally worded, and con-

* James Macmillan at Glenhead was born in 1692, hence, perhaps, too
joung for a legal wimess.

Adrift. 127

taining matter inferring penalties ; and it was resolved to deal
first with those parts or " articles " which were to be proved by
the people's evidence.

In what now follows, the reader is requested to refer to the
copy of the Libel in the appendix to this volume.

The sixth article referred to a sy nodical fast m May, and
Macmillan admitted that he had not observed this fast on the
day appointed, but had held it on another day. The tenth and
nth charges were met by an answer from the people, that they
remembered no such statements being made by their minister.
As to the 1 2th, which was to be proved by the testimony of an
elder, George M'Guffog, farmer in Drumlane ; that individual
refused to say anything till they gave up the name of the person
to whom he was alleged to have made the incriminating state-
ment. Doubtless it was a minister ; in any case the Presbytery,
" upon certain considerations," decided to delay this point.

Here another "scene" took place, Macmillan insisting that
the Presbytery minutes misrepresented him as to his alleged re-
union to their number and abandonment of his position.
Cameron now lost his temper, and roundly accused minister and
people of perjury. At once Macmillan "took instruments," and
entered the unfailing protest. Cameron retorted by calling for
a Confession of Faith with the Covenants bound up with it, and
Macmillan handed him the volume. He proceeded to argue
that, as Macmillan and his people had quite recently "renewed"
the Covenants, and as the Covenants contained most solemn
engagements to conformity with the Reformed Church ; there-
fore, in separating themselves, they broke their oath, and were
perjured.

While this curious argument was going on the people had not
been idle. In a pause which succeeded, while their minister was
elaborating his reasons of protest, the people on their own behalf
presented a long "protestation," signed by no less than 87 per-

128 A Cameronian Apostle.

sons, being practically the entire adult male parishioners. It
is doubtful if this move was favourable to Macmillan's cause.
It could not be pleasant to the Presbytery to be told that Mac-
millan, now compearing as "ane delinquent," was in their judg-
ment " of more integrity than his accusers and prosecutors : "
that the prosecution arose from Macmillan's opposition to the
"defections" of unfaithful ministers, "of whom, we fear, ye are
a party : " that, whatever sentence the Presbytery pronounced
against their " faithful pastor," would by them be held null and
void : that the people would adhere to him and "own him as
their pastor under Christ Jesus the Chief Shepherd." Four dis-
tinct reasons were added for disregarding the Presbytery's
authority: — (i), Macmillan was being pursued, because he
stood for truth against compromise ; (2), The Presbytery were
both judge and party ; (3), The authority of the Presbytery was
questionable, since by their " Erastian Oaths" they seemed to
have " given away the whole power of jurisdiction of this
National Church into the hands of the Civil Magistrate ; " and
(4), Macmillan alone was being pursued, and the other two
ministers were passed by.

It will be seen, what irritating matter this ably drawn and
well-expressed protestation contained. Strictly speaking, the
court might have refused to receive and engross it, since nothing
could well be more disrespectful ; but they did both, minuting
that it was received as " a specimen of the people of Balmaghie
. . . their disaffi^ction towards the ministry, and of the effects
of Mr. Macmillan's ministry among them." The "people's
paper," as it was thenceforward styled, was so able, that the
Presbytery asked Macmillan if he had prepared it. This he
denied, but would not say that he had not seen it before. He
then signed and gave in his own protestation, which embodied
a refusal to accept further the jurisdiction of that court. After
reciting various reasons, already discussed, he concluded thus :

Adrift. 129

— " The said Mr. John Macmillan declines this Presbytery, and
appeals to the first free and rightly, lawfully constituted General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland for remeid and redress
. . ." He desired the appeal to be engrossed ad futuram ret
7fiefnoriam, " for the remembrance of posterity."

Thus deluged with protests, the Presbytery at last took refuge
in an adjournment. '' It being now very late, and the brethren
and others present very long detained here already," they agreed
to meet next day at Crossmichael Church at 10 a.m. to adjust
their "animadversions " on the two protests. They cited Mac-
millan, there and then, to be present at that place and hour ;
but he answered, that to do so would be inconsistent with his
declinature of their authority. He was curtly told, that they
should proceed, whether he came or not. The " Beddel "
having announced the forthcoming meeting at the church-door,
the worn-out presbyters rose at 9 p.m., having sat unintermittedly
for about ten hours.

The position of affairs was now highly peculiar. Both people
and pastor had " declined " the Presbytery, anticipating an
adverse decision. For them, the subsequent proceedings were
unmeaning. Although in the calmer mood of our time, we may
feel a little surprised at this drastic course, yet we can partly
understand the pent-up feelings of indignation and distrust
which prompted it. The people were warmly attached to Mac-
millan. They spoke, in their paper, of " blessing " received
from his pastoral labours among them, brief although these had
been. They admired his steadfastness in a losing cause against
such odds. They saw, how great a sacrifice he was ready to
make in its defence, while so many eminent ministers proffered
him a flattering peace. They know enough of his accusers'
history to feel a certain contempt for their present policy of
patching up the Church at any loss of principle. Macmillan,
for his part, was well aware that he was doomed already. It was

130 A Canieronian Apostle.

expedient, in the view of the Church leaders, that an example
should be made, to deter others from hampering the Church's
progress with protests and obstructive tactics. To take farther
part in the proceedings and to receive a sentence, would be to
own the authority of a court, which had lost his respect and
confidence. So, he joined his people in their repudiation of its
further actings, and retired, no doubt sadly and seriously, to his
manse.

On the other hand, the undignified flight of the Presbytery
shewed how entirely they admitted their loss of influence in the
parish. To finish in another place what they had begun at
Balmaghie Church, was to adopt an unfair and unworthy change
of venue. The result of this was that, when the 29th December
dawned, and the court re-assembled in Crossmichael Church,
there was hardly any representation of the people of Balmaghie.
The court itself was melting away. Tod and Reid now retired.
Of the 12 elders, only 4 reappeared. The total number of
members, lay and clerical, fell from 27 to 17. It was destined
to sink lower still, as the feeling of uneasiness increased.

This day, there were two sittings, the first lasting from 10 to
4, and being devoted to reading over the people's protest and
"animadverting" on it. The process was inordinately long,
considering the brevity of the " people's paper," but it is likely
enough, that the Presbytery felt that they were dealing with the
most important part of the case, as regarded the future. For
the real difficulty was not Macmillan, but Macmillan's people.
And they could not be deposed. At 4 p.m., there was an
adjournment for an hour, during which Warner and Telfair went
home. The court therefore re-assembled at 5 p.m. \\ith 15
members, of whom 4 were elders. The " animadversions " on
Macmillan's paper were now prepared, after he had been vainly
called for at the door of the church. These criticisms bear
evidence of Cameron's incisive mind and sharp temper, but

Adrift. 131

need no further description here, except as to their length.
They cover, in the records, a space of lo^? foUos, and shew how
laboriously the bre'hren strove to prepare a case for posterity.
At the close of this work, the " probation " of the Libel began.
This must have been a very formal and hurried affair, since the
sederunt had begun at 5 p.m., and probably three or four hours
had passed in " animadversions " on an absent man's writings.

The minutes from this point were printed in the Examination,
1705, pp. 3-7. Briefly, the first five articles were proven from
the Presbytery's own records, as was also the eighth ; while
articles seven and thirteen -wqxq proven from the minutes of the
committee at Balmaghie Place. The sixth and ninth were held
proven from his own admissions. The tenth, eleventh, and
twelfth were found not proven, although the eleventh (a charge
of urging the people to "stick by him ") was regarded a.s, proven
" eventually," i.e., from the action taken by the people and him-
self in protesting and " declining " at yesterday's meeting. The
reader will be able to follow the particular details as they are
given in the reprint in the Appendix.

The foregoing bare statement is enough to shew how little
the law of evidence was regarded on this occasion. Macmillan
was found guilty either on the Presbytery's e.x parte narrative,
to which he never subscribed, or on his own admissions,
which surely ought not to have been used against him apart
from substantial corroboration. As to "eventual" proof, this
was a new and amazing invention, which no respectable modern
court would adopt. It consisted in " proving " a charge by
something done after the event, by the accused, and by other
parties not accused at all !

Such "probation" proved only one thing, that the judges
were already resolved to convict at any hazard and on any
ground. Accordingly, the terrible formula was now pronounced
by Boyd, who had evidently recovered from his " indisposition,"

132 A Cainerottian Apostle.

and was acting as moderator : — " The Presbytery and correspond-
ing Brethren did, and hereby do, in the name of the Lord Jesus
Christ, the only King and Head of the Church, according to the
ministerial poiver they have received from Hiin, simpliciter depose
the said Mr. John Macinillan from the sacred office of the
ministry r

The ministers who took part in the final scene and " unani-
mous vote," were Boyd, Spalding, Gordon, Falconer, Cameron,
Clark, Monteith, Johnston, Ewart, with Rowan and Campbell,
correspondents from Wigtown. The elders still present were
John M'Douall, Dairy ; James Gordon of Auchendolly, Cross-
michael ; James Gordon, Borgue ; and James Macmillan, Gir-
thon. The court had dwindled from twenty-seven members to
fifteen, less than one-half the members being thus present, a
point which, we shall see, Macmillan was swift to note.

Monteith and Hay were appointed to proceed to Balmaghie
church the Sunday following the next, viz., January 9, and to inti-
mate the sentence. Johnston was charged with a letter contain-
ing the same intimation, to be delivered the same day to the
deposed minister. As we know, there were ties of " auld
acquaintance," which probably suggested this arrangement.

The actual sentence was not pronounced till day had dawned
on Thursday, the 30th December, 1703. The closing lines of
the minute are so curious, that they must be quoted : — " The
Presbytery and corresponding Brethren sat from five of the
clock upon Wednesday [afternoon] till about seven upon Thurs-
day morning, before they could finish this affair." The church
at Crossmichael was lit up with candles during the midnight
debate, and the unaccustomed gleam would be seen by Mac-
millan from his own windows. There is an unintentional irony
in the phrase " finishing this affair." The affair was so far from
being " finished," that twenty-four chequered years were to pass
ere the deposed pastor went forth from church and manse into

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Adrift. 133

exile. And that rash and even illegal sentence was not the ter-
mination of a troublesome controversy, but the first foundation
stone of a religious dissension continued to this day.

The few remaining ministers of the Reformed Presbyterian
body in Scotland may well come to gaze, with curiosity and
reverence, on the remains of Macmillan's church, where he
stood up between his people and his judges, and across the
changeless river, to the spot where, as the dull December day
broke, a handful of wearied men took upon them to cast out a
brother, whose chief fault was that he could not bend his con-
science into shape with the prevailing mode in Church and
State.

CHAPTER IX.
1704- 1706.

ANCHORED.

Macniillan negotiates with the United Societies — ^With Hepburn — With the
Presbytery and General Assembly — His "submission" to the latter —
Goes to Crawfordjohn — His "submission " to the Societies — His "ap-
probation " of their Testimony — His call — The chief signatories —
Currie, Umpherston, Smith — First sermon as pastor — His fitness for
the new office.

npHE last days of 1703 witnessed Macmillan's expulsion from
■*- the ministry. In the following year, he sent forth his
True Narrative of the events and circumstances of his deposition,
a copy of which will be found in the Appendix. The closing
words shewed how his thoughts were moving as to the future : —
" Therefore, he resolves, in the strength of the Lord, to preach
the Gospel as formerly, and to take and accept invitation for
that end where he may have it."

His first negotiations, when he found himself so summarily
cast adrift, were with a minister who had already passed through
a similar crisis, John Hepburn of Urr, in the Presbytery of
Dumfries. Hepburn had been privately ordained in London,
and in 1680 had won the hearts of the people of Urr, so that
they gave him a " call " to labour among them. This invitation
they ratified in 1686, and again in 1689, when the Church of
Scotland became more settled. Li 1690, Hepburn had pre-
sented a memorial of matters requiring amendment to the
General Assembly, but this document was quietly handed over
to a committee, and heard of no more. Hepburn continued,

A nchored. i 3 5

however, to ventilate " grievances " until, at length, he was sus-
pended in 1696.* In 1699, he was in a measure restored, being
permitted to minister in Urr, but nowhere else, provided he
kept conference with the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright. He had
already been punished with imprisonment for alleged treason-
able utterances, and afterwards " interned," in the old persecut-
ing mode, at Brechin. His return to Urr was hailed with joy
by his faithful flock, to whom he was now martyr as well as con-
fessor. After a brief interval of peace, the accession of Queen
Anne revived the old troubles. Hepburn denounced the Oath
of Allegiance just as Macmillan did, and was at length, like
him, deposed for mutinous and offensive utterances alleged
against him. The sentence was passed by the Commission on
April 9, 1705. On April 13, the parishioners of Urr met and
declared their unalterable adherence to the deposed minister.
Ultimately, on his giving a pledge to confine his labours to his
own parish, and seek to promote peace, he was reponed in 1707,
amid great rejoicings. We may here hurriedly pursue his career
to its close. He protested against the Union, the Abjuration
Oath, and the restoration of Patronage in 1712. In 17 15, he
attracted great public attention by his action in view of the Pre-
tender's expedition. Accompanied by 320 of his people, whom
he had trained in some degree to military tactics, he marched
to Dumfries, and encamped on Corbelly Hill. His troop was
headed by a standard-bearer with the flag of the Covenants, still
preserved at Urr manse. A drummer also marched before it
beating a point of war.

Recent researches have thrown an important light on Hep-
burn's actions at this political crisis. It is now suspected, if not
established, that his supporters were strongly inclined to fall in
with the Pretender's party, and Hepburn himself kept up com-

" Mr. Hutchison {Hist. p. 148) says " deposed," but this is an error.
See Humble Pleadings, p. 202.

136 A Canieronian Apostle.

munication with both sides. The magistrates of Dumfries in-
vited him to enter the town, but he dcdined on the ground that
he was not free in conscience to fight in defence of the present
constitution in Church and State, emphasising the " sinful
Union " as a main difficulty. Apparently, however, he had
given private assurances of loyalty, since his troop was supplied
with provisions by the townspeople. As is well known, the Pre-
tender's forces never reached Dumfries, and the Hepburnians or
Hebronian«, as Macmillan calls them,* returned home. Hep-
burn continued his ministry at Urr without disturbance till his
death in 1724, aged 70.

The sympathy between Hepburn and Macmillan was most
natural, considering how exactly their courses of thought and
action coincided .'"rom point to point. Hepburn was, of course,
much the older man, and had been twenty years ordained before
Macmillan. But, like him, he had entered the Revolution
Church with high hopes of attaining his dream of a "free and
lawfully constituted body." He had been rudely awakened by
the speedy development of the compromising spirit which guided
the Assemblies of the Church. He had entered on a course of
incessant protests and giving in of " grievances," and had been
met with suspension and imprisonment. Finally, although a
year and a half after Macmillan, he too had been rewarded, for
his troublesome conscience, with deposition. So far, his history
and Macmillan's were very much the same. From the year
1699, Hepburn also had been in correspondence with Mac-
millan's Presbytery, not by attending the meetings, but by pri-
vate conferences arranged by himself. He was therefore fully
aware of the agitation proceeding within their bounds. In his
Humble Pleadings, in fact, he refers to " many conferences be-

* See Narrative. For above particulars regarding Hepburn, I have con-
sulted his Humble Pleadings, 1713 ; Nicholson's Hist. Gall,, ii. 377-8;
IVodrow's History ; and oiheis.

AncJioreii. 137

twixt us und several ministers in Galloway and Nithsdale, viz.,
Messrs. J. R., J. M., W. T., in the Presbytery of Kirkcud-
bright." * The initials, of course, indicate the three brethren
whom we have seen giving in the Grievances — John Reid,
William Tod, and John Macmillan. Considering Hepburn's
evident force of character, and also his age and influence, we
can hardly doubt that these Grievances were largely inspired by
him.

When Macmillan, deserted by his two comrades, or at least
cut off from their company, was at length deposed, Hepburn's
warm heart went out to the sufferer, and he was charged later
on, when himself under libel, with saying : "The night wherein
the Presbytery deposed Mr. Macmillan, they were running the
devil's errand ! " t He broke through his own confinement
within the parochial bounds of Urr, to go and i)reach in Bal-
maghie church at the invitation of Macmillan and his people,
and was accused of taking "violent possession" of the building
for the purpose.! It was alleged, too, that he had said, "If I
saw the Lady Balmaghie, I would discharge her to let the
ministers in at the door, who are sent by the Presbytery to
supply there ! "

All this shewed how strong a bond of sympathy existed be-
tween these two " contenders " for the Church's freedom. Mac-
millan apparently hoped to form some working union with
Hepburn and his followers; but he soon found that they dif-
fered irreconcilably regarding the Establishment.

Hepburn has clearly defined the middle position which he
never abandoned. In his introduction to the ably-written work
already quoted. Humble Pleadings for the Good Old Way, he
describes the situation with perfect mastery of detail. He
divides ecclesiastical parties into three, into which the Cove-

'' Hiiiiihk Pleadings, p. 296. t Ibid., p. 226, 227. X Ibid., p. 210.

K

138 A Canieroniaii Apostle.

nanters were split up by the Revolution Settlement. First,
there was the party represented by Lining, Shields, and Boyd,
who after a faint and formal protest conformed entirely to the
Established Church. Secondly, and at the other extreme, stood
the United Societies, as represented by their " Informatory
Vindication," who "declined" the established judicatories
whether civil or sacred, as sinful and defective. " A Third
Sort," he adds, "judged it most like to Scripture pattern, to
own what was good in both Church and State, and to protest
and bear witness against the defections of both, by pleading in
face of Judicatories for redress of grievances." ^^ This was the
party sometimes called Hebronites or Hebronians.f To this
party Macmillan may be reckoned as having belonged at first,
and had his protests been simply received and ignored, as Hep-
burn's latterly were, he would most likely have lived and died
in the church, as Hepburn did. But we know that his very
blood was of the purest covenanting strain, and his old associa-
tions drew him irresistibly toward the Societies. Having at his
deposition publicly refused to own the existing Church Courts,
he now found himself disqualified for closer union with Hep-
burn, and the fruitless negotiations came to an abrupt end.

Immediately Macmillan entered into correspondence anew
with the Societies, from whose minutes we shall now gather the
discussions which led to his final return to their communion.

On April 5, 1704, less than four months after his deposition,
the "General Meeting" at Crawfordjohn considered a letter
from Macmillan desiring to have a conference. This was at
once granted, and the following Commissioners were chosen to
meet him : — James Currie, William Swanston, David Jardine,
Robert Douglas, Mr. Stewart, Joseph Francis, Robert Maxwell,

* Hu7)ihle Pleadings, Introduction.

t In Galloway Scots, Hepburn is still pronounced Hebhron.

AncJiored. 139

James Fleming, Francis Graham, John Mack, Mr. Robert Smith,
Mr. Charles Umpherston, James Thomson, and the Clerk, —
fourteen in all. Most of these afterwards appear as signing his
" call." Those distinguished as " Mr." were of superior position.
" Mr." Stewart was an elder. Mr. Charles Umpherston was a
medical man, and afterwards wrote, among other tracts, the
curious one entitled " Observations on a AVolf in a Sheepskin,"
I753-* Mr. Robert Smith was frequently /re'^cj of the General
Meeting. John Mack, according to a note in the Lochgoin copy of
the Minutes, "drew up" with Hepburn's party, a few months
after, so far as " to draw them up and rendezvous them ; after
which he did no good, but distempered," i.e. became insane, a
melancholy victim of religious enthusiasm. f

This committee doubtless had some meetings with Macmillan,
who, however, did not at first deal quite openly with them. The
truth is, he was literally "adrift," as we have styled it; and he
still longed to enjoy pastoral status and settlement among his
own people. We have seen that he hated the name of " sepa-
ratist," and to a late period he warmly repudiated it. Hence
his seeming inconsistencies at this time, which a truthful narra-
tive must not conceal.

On 22nd February, 1704, Macmillan, accompanied by a
" considerable number " of his adherents, proceeded to Kirk-
cudbright, and craved a hearing of the Presbytery there assem-
bled. His object was to inquire, first, whether the ministers
absent at the final meeting on December 29-30 adhered to the
Presbytery's act of deposition ; and secondly, whether the sen-
tence would now be rescinded. The Presbytery were somewhat
shaken by this demonstration. Tod, who had come in along
with the people, rose and gave in his dissent from the deposi-

* In ihe New College Collection, Edinburgh,
t Conclusions, Oct. 4, 170J.

140 A Cameroninn Apostle.

tion ; but no other member, out of the seven absentees from the
Crossmichael meeting, saw fit to join in this disclaimer. Reid,
indeed, was not himself present. The Presbytery, after deli-
beration in private, recalled the deputation and announced that
the first question was incompetent. The deposition had been
unanimous, and it was entirely out of order to inquire as to the
opinions of absent members. As to the second, they once more
demanded his unconditional submission, which he " waved or
declined " to give. Immediately the Presbytery intimated that
they had decided to refer the whole case to the General
Assembly on March 16, and cited Macmillan to appear before
that Court. Here, again, the Presbytery's procedure was unusual,
not in referring the case, but in taking upon them to cite one of
their number to a superior court.

Macmillan disregarded this incompetent citation, and the
Assembly then itself required his attendance at the Commission
in June, 1704. He went to Edinburgh accordingly, and after
some conference signed the following paper : —

" I, John Macmillan, hereby acknowledge my great sin in
deserting the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, as also my great sin
in declining the said Presbytery, these things being contrary to
my ordination engagements. And seeing I do hereby promise
and engage (in the strength of God) to live more orderly and in
subjection to the judicatories of the Church, and to use my
utmost endeavours to maintain unity, concord, and peace there-
in, I earnestly desire the reverend Commission may take my
case to consideration, and repone me to the exercise of my
ministry at Balma^hie. In witness whereof I have subscribed
these presents with my hand, at Edinburgh, this eleventh day of
July, 1704 years.

'■'■ Sic subscribitiir, J. MackMillan."

As the Commission met on 9th June, a whole month had
been consumed in reaching this final arrangement. Part of this
time, Macmillan occupied in preparing his Tuie Narrative,

Anchored. 14 1

which, like all the tractates in this controversy, was issued
anonymously, and in the third person.* He did not, however,
send it to the press until he had lost hope of the Commission
reponing him. It was in this hope, and with this understand-
ing, that he put his name to a paper so ill fitted to strengthen
his position, and so often used against him on all hands in the
immediate future.

His former colleagues, for instance, at once industriously cir-
culated the charge, that he had " disowned what he formerly
owned, and reckoned it a great sin." This, he himself declares,
" is a downright and manifest untruth."! "It is known," he
adds, "what litigation there was about that word sin." He
declares that all he meant was to admit, for the sake of a peace-
able settlement, that he did wrong to absent himself from
meetings, and to repudiate the Presbytery as a court. As to
the expression, " any other thing in my way that hath given
offence," he asserts that, when handing in his paper, he explained
openly that he considered that the expression might cover both
" some things bad and some things good." The view which he
evidently took was, that he was simply apologising, but not in
any way retracting. On the whole, this seems a fair enough
meaning to be put on the document, although such phrases as
"great sin " twice repeated, and " these sins," are and were un-
happily capable of a more serious application.

Macmillan's chief excuse, however, lay in the manifest fact
that the apology or " submission " was meant to be a quid pro

* Cameron, in his Examination, p. 7, says: — "Though the Narrative
. . speaks of him as a third person, yet the judicious who know him
will judge him to be the author thereof." As proofs, he appeals to internal
evidence, and also to the testimony of " Two Brethren," to whom Mac-
millan read over a paper exactly similar at Kirkcudbright. Further,
Cameron points out that, as announced at the close of the Narrative, Mac-
millan resumed preaching immediate'y after it appeared.

t Narrative, Appendix.

142 A Cameroiiian Apostle.

(]uo. He understood that it was the price exacted for his re-in-
statement as minister of Balmaghie. And he argues, quite
reasonably from a business point of view, that as the Commis-
sion did not re-instate him, he was consequently released from
the whole terms of the compact. " Qui/iii aiifertur ratio for-
inalis jurametiti, jui-ament7im cessat ratione eventusy * As soon
as the condition of an engagement is taken away, that engage-
ment itself lapses by circumstances. "If you will repone me, I
promise submission " : such is the gist of the paper. He was
not reponed, and how then could he submit ? In this hght, it
may be held that the " submission " was obtained under false
pretences. And this, in fact, was Macmillan's own feeling.

The publication of the Tr^ie Narrative, and his immediate
resumption of preaching, did not mend his chance of indulgent
treatment at the next Commission, December, 1704, to which
he addressed a " Protest and Appeal by John Macmillan, un-
justly deposed." This was an anticipation of the fuller " Pro-
testation, Declinature, and Appeal," sent to the Assembly in
1708, of which a copy will be found in the Appendix. It
demanded a hearing of the entire case, " a capite ad cakeviP It
retracted his pledges given in June and July. And it renewed
his former appeal to the first " free, faithful, and right consti-
tute " General Assembly, protesting also against his being
further disturbed in the " free and peaceable exercise of his
ministry." t

Two doors had thus been closed in his face. Hepburn he
could not join with, and the Church of his ordination would
not take him back. There remained only the associates of his
boyhood and college days, the people of the " Societies." He
now applied himself resolutely to the task of securing re-admis-
sion to their fold.

* iVarialive. t Thorburn's Vindiciae Magistrati'is, p. 228, 229.

Anchored. 143

On January 31, 1705, he repaired to the General Meeting at
Crawfordjohn, and was admitted to conference. As might have
been expected, the recent " submission " was found to be " very
grievous and lamentable." This the assembled " correspon-
dents " plainly told him, and he at once expressed his " resent-
ment," or repentance, for the injudicious step, but declared his
willingness now to join with the Societies, and read a statement
of his views.

A further and longer conference took place at Holstane, Feb-
ruary 13, 1706. It was not till August 14, however, that the
negotiations began to draw near an end. At the meeting that
day at Crawfordjohn, Macmillan said, " I desire to know the
meeting's satisfaction with what is already past." The answer
was — " The meeting, as one man, is satisfied with what is past
betwixt him and them." * Macmillan, in fact, had been sub-
jected to a searching examination and a kind of training, during
the space of nearly two years. His statements and pledges were
most ample, and shewed a complete conformity to the Societies'
standards. But, in order to make his new position perfectly
clear, he agreed to sign first a "submission," and then a solemn
"approbation." These, we copy here from the Society's minute-
book : —

" Mr. John MacviiUans Si/lnnission.

'■ I, Mr. John Macmillan, minister in Balmaghie, having dis-
pleased the Godly Remnant and greatly offended them, and
that in my leaving them when then joined with them, and also
since, in tampering with the ministers after I had declined them,
which I desire to lament : do oblige myself, for Truth's vindica-
tion, and the Godly Remnant's satisfaction, to stand to the
determination of any faithful, constituted Church Judicatory of
Christ within this land, when it shall happen to be, which they
and I can own, submit to, and concur with, according to the

* Conclusions, Aug. 14, 1706.

144 ^ Cameronian Apostle.

comely order of this Church in her best times, in whatever hath
been sinful in my walk, way, or carriage, ever since I left them
to this very day. As witness my hand at Crawford John, the 14th
day of August, 1706.

sic snbscr. J. M'Millan."

Next day, he signed the second paper referred to : —

" Mr. John Macinillmi s Approbation of our Testimony.
" I, Mr. John Macmillan, minister in Balmaghie, heartily
approve of, consent to, and comply with all the Testimonies
that have been carried on with respect to the Covenanted
Reformation, and that both in the bypast and present times, by
the honest, godly, and faithful Remnant against bf)th Church
and State ; as they were and are agreeable to the Word of God
and Covenanted work of Reformation. As witness my hand at
Crawfordjohn, the 15th day of August, 1706.

sic siibscr. J. M'Millan."

The final stage was not reached till October 9, 1706, when
the following " call " was drawn up and signed : —

" The Call.

" We, undersubscribers of the United Societies and General
Correspondences of the Suffering Remnant of the true Presby-
terian Church of Christ in Scotland, England, and Ireland,
having of a long time been deprived of the public administration
of the Gospel ordinances in purity, by reason of the manifold
defections and backslidings of the ministers in these lands :

" And now, it hath pleased the Lord, after sundry emergents
of Providence, due deliberation, and conference?, with you, Mr.
John Macmillan, minister of the Gospel at Balmaghie, that you
be of one judgment with us as to the present Testimony of the
day for carrying on the Covenanted work of Reformation :

" Do hereby, in our name, and in the name of all our United
Societies and Correspondences, give you our hearty and unani-
mous call to come forth and dispense the Gospel ordinances
faithfully and freely to us ;

" And we promise to hear and subject ourselves unto you as
our faithful leader and pastor, to whom we may safely commit

A nchored.

145

the charge of our souls, and to do every other thing that pre-
cept, or former practice to a minister in the like case, can oblige
persons in our circumstances, while you continue to go on the
exercise thereof.

" And take this our Call to your serious deliberation, and
return us an answer according to our urgent necessity, and we
shall desire to pray for a blessing to you and us both with it.

"As witness our hands at Crawfordjohn, October loth, 1706.

(Signed) John Currie, elder.
Will. Stewart, elder.
David Jardin.
James Mundell.
John Bell.
John Glover.
Thomas Brown.
Jo. Robson.
John Bryce.
Will. Hannah.
John Knox.
Joseph Francis.
Hugh Dickie.
James Currie.

Chas. Umpherston.
James Brigton.
Duncan Forbes.
Jo. M'Vay.
Will Swanston.
Jo. Hislop.
Jo. Greive.
Jas. Donaldson.
James Cargill.
Francis Graham.
Robert Barrie.
Robert Maxwell.
John Muir.
Jo. Stanley.
Jo. Paterson.
Thomas Milns.
Robert Smith, preses.
Robt. Hamilton, clerk."

Thirty-two names in all appear above. From Mr. J. H.
Thomson's notes regarding them, some interesting particulars
may be gleaned.*

John Currie, whose name heads the list, had been " cast out
of house and hold in Tmwald, Dumfries-shire, for not complying
with prelacy." He drew up a curious personal " covenant "
with God, which is reprinted in the Reformed Presbytetian
Magazine ^ox 1S69. It was taken at " Carse of the Water of
Ae, Sept. 15, 1681."

* Ref. Presh. Mag., 1869.

146 A Caineronian Apostle.

Charles Umpherston had been intended for the ministry, and
was one of four young men chosen by the Societies in 1699 to
be sent at their expense to Holland, in order to obtain license
and ordination. The establishment, however, of full com-
munion between the Dutch Reformed Church and the Church
of Scotland rendered this design null, and Umpherston became
a " surgeon " in Pentland. He was the most active literary
agent of the Societies. His quaint tract on the Wolf in a
Sheepskin has already been referred to, and is the sole existing
authority on Macmillan's last days. We shall have occasion
ere long to reproduce its very touching record of these closing
moments. Umpherston died in 1758, aged 80.

James Currie also lived in Pentland. His name may be read
on the Martyrs' Monument in (ireyfriars Churchyard, Edin-
burgh. " This tomb %vas erected by James Currie, Mercht. in
Pefitland, and others." Both he and his wife, Helen Alexander,
left behind them short autobiographies, or " Passages " in their
lives, which are extant in a printed form. They had been mar-
ried by Renwick, and in the wife's little narrative the following
occurs, which Mr. J. H. Thomson quotes : —

" And when Mr. Renwick was execute, I went and saw him
in prison. And I said to him, Ye will get the ivhite robes ; and
he said, And palms in my hands. And when he was execute,
I went into the Greyfriars' Yard, and I took him in my arms till
his clothes were taken off, and I helped to wind him before he
was put in his coffin."

Robert Smith, who presided on this memorable occasion, had
studied at Glasgow and Groningen, where he took his degree.
He transcribed many of Guthrie and Cargill's sermons for the
Lochgoin Collection. At a later date he withdrew from Mac-
millan's ministry, on the ground of an alleged " sinful acknow-
ledgment " of George I. He and James Mundell, another sig-
natory, are in Calderwood's Dying Testimonies.

A ncJiored. 1 47

This call was "heartily received" by Macmillan, and taken
to "consideration." It was not, however, till about the end of
1706 that he finally acceded to the urgent request of the
Societies, and fixed a time and place for his first sermon as their
minister. On December 2, 1706, the people assembled at
Cravvfordjohn.* It was in the depth of winter, and very near
the dark time of his recent deposition, that he solemnly took up
this new and larger work. There was a " numerous congrega-
tion from all airths, and a pleasant day of the Gospel ; and on
the Monday, preaching also, with baptizing of sundry children."
It was sixteen years since any ordained minister had been quali-
fied to labour among the " Remnant,'' and there was much to
do, especially in the way of baptizing children of these out-of-
date Covenanters. So, on the " clamant call of the people,"
Macmillan for a season forgot his troubles at Balmaghie, and
went about preaching and baptizing, and "exercising also the
other parts of his ministerial function " — i.e., marrying, visiting
the sick, performing funeral services, and the like. There were
" many signs and tokens of his Master's presence," and his
heart must have rejoiced in the growing usefulness opened up
before him. As yet, such was the awe associated with the
Lord's Supper, that no attempt was made at a celebration of it.
That was to come later. But, meantime, it is refreshing to
pause and contemplate the important and encouraging sphere in
which Macmillan had at last found himself placed.

It might be said, fitly enough.

Per tot casus, per tot discriinitia reruiii,
his storm-tossed bark had at last secured a port, and his anchor
was let down in ground where it held for 47 chequered years.
Doubtless, many vicissitudes still awaited him. It was no easy
life, no " fat slumbers," as Gibbon phrased it, that he had

* See Obseivalions on a JVo/f in a Sheepskin, p. 39.

148 A Cameroniaii Apostle.

chosen. But it was a career for which nature and grace and
early training had all prepared him. To be the "apostle" of
the Remnant, as we have ventured to style him, or the "high-
priest," as Cunningham expresses it, was to undertake a life of
apostolic wanderings and hardships. Some parts of St. Paul's
famous description might be applied in a measure to his future
experience:—". . . in journeyings often . . . in weariness
and painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in
fastings often. Besides those things that are without, that which
Cometh upon me daily, the care of all the churches."* But his
early days, among the shepherds and on the hills of Kells and
Minnigaff, had made iiim physically able to face, the work : and
divine grace had endued him with the passion of helpfulness, of
which his motto was the outward and visible sign — '■'■ Miseris
S2iccurrere disco" "I am learning to succour the wretched." And
in his own sturdy, deeply earnest soul, he was already equipped
with the mental and moral qualities needed for his great parish
or diocese, extending over nearly half of Scotland. Also, he was
back again among his own people, in whose religious ways and
phrases he was entirely at home. After so many vague and
even inconsistent movements, he had at length, in a significant
phrase, " found himself."

* 2 Cor., xi. 26-2S.

CHAPTER X.

1704-1727.

A PARISH SCHISM.

Monteith deforced — Preaches at Balmaghie Plnce — Macmillan's silence —
Resumes preaching — Scene on river bank — War of pamphlets — The
"True Narrative" — Cameron's "Examination" of it — Macmillan's
reply — ludicial proceedings— -A meeting of parties at Clachanpluck —
Attempt to buy him out — Ilis indignant letter — A year's stipend from
" Balmaghie's curators " to the late minister's children — Macmillan's
stipend — Conference of heritors and Presbytery at Clachanpluck —
Interrupted by Macmillanites — The Sheriff baffled — Another riverside
scene — -The Sheriff's guard repulsed by women — Complicity of the
Societies in the riots — Macmillan marries Jean Gemble — Sends in his
"Declinature" to the Commission — Is excommunicated along with
Macneil — M'Kie, chaplain at Balmaghie, is called — Scene at his ordi-
nation— Charges brought against him — The Sheriff twice again repulsed
by women — Collision between Macmillan and M'Kie — M'Kie takes
possession — The Glebe Riot — The " Porteous Roll " — " House of
Rimmon " built — Macmillan leaves the parish — His relations with
M'Kie — Meaning of " aZ/tv- minister " — The Schism is healed — Num-
ber of " Cameronians " in 1794.

T ET US now return to the parish of Balmaghie, which had
^-^ been thrown into violent excitement by the Presbytery's
summary deposition of its beloved and popular minister. We
have seen how a large body of Macmillan's parishioners attended
him to the meeting of Presbytery at Kirkcudbright on February
22, 1704. But previous to this, the people had begun a series
of demonstrations showing their absolute resolve to resist the
authority of that court.

150 A Cavieronian Apostle.

When the 9th of January 1704 came round, Monteilh and
Hay failed to carry out their appointment, Hay having fallen
sick, and Monteith probably shrinking from the perilous duty of
'•' preaching the church vacant." Monteith was now ordered to
proceed alone, but at the meeting above mentioned, he brought
back a melancholy report. On Sunday, 30th January, "he
went towards the Kirk of Balmaghie according to appointment,
and James Gordon, Town-Clerk of Kirkcudbright, notary public,
together with some witnesses.'' As " he was riding towards the
kirk, there came from the kirkyard about 20 or 30 men, who
refused to let him go further, and actually stopped them by lay-
ing hold on the foremost horse's bridle, whereupon Mr. Monteith,
finding he was violently withstood in going to the kirk, did take
out his commission from the Presbytery, and did read it to them,
and did intimate the Presbytery's sentence of deposition, and
declared the kirk vacant. Whereupon, he asked and took
instruments in the hands of the notary public."

Monteilh then retired to P>almaghie Place, where he "preached
to such as were present," and again intimated the sentence.
Macmillan himself officiated as usual in the parish church.

Warner and Gordon reported that they also had been denied
access, and had preached at Balmaghie Place. Spalding, on
arriving in the parish to "supply " the pulpit, learned that Mac-
millan had exchanged with Hepburn, and was at Urr. He
made no attempt to enter Balmaghie Church, but conducted
service at the mansion house, like his predecessors. He re-
ported, that Hepburn had " used much railing against the
Church and the Presbytery in particular," and had exhorted the
people to adhere to the deposed minister.

From this point, the Presbytery's "supplies" contented them-
selves with preaching at Balmaghie House, except for a brief
interval of a few months, during which Macmillan remained
silent, in some hopes, as it would seem, of being reponed under

A Parish Schism. i 5 1

his engagement of July, 1704. While he was waiting in Edin-
burgh for some decisive answer, the Presbytery sent two minis-
ters to announce to the people that during his absence they
were to attend on the Presbytery's ministrations. But the keys
of the church could not be had, and they had to enter by break-
ing in a window.* Macmillan returned from Edinburgh, and
for a few Sundays sat in his place in church as one of the con-
gregation. But at last, losing all hope of being restored, he rose
up one Sunday after the officiating minister had intimated the
preacher for the Sunday following, and had urged the people to
attend better. Macmillan now announced that he would him-
self preach next Sunday.

" What," said his colleague from the pulpit, " will you, a de-
posed man, go and preach ? Go home," he added to the
people, " and mourn for it, that a deposed man is going to
preach next Sunday. I wish he may get few hearers, and I
hope so he will ! "

Next Sunday the church was crowded. A boat was seen
coming across the river carrying the Presbytery " supply." Im-
mediately a rush was made to the bank, and a dozen strong
hands violently shoved the boat back from the landing-place.
The " supply " retired to the Crossmichael bank while the
" deposed" man now resumed his office.!

From this day Macmillan continued to be in all respects
minister of the parish. The Presbytery several times attempted
to persuade him to submit, and even threatened the terrible
penalty of " greater excommunication." f But that threat had
no terrors for a minister whose parishioners adhered to him
nearly as one man. Practically, he was left in possession, the

* So J. H. Thomson, in R. P. Mag., 1869; TI/.S'. Narrative.
t Hutchison's History, p. 147 ; AIS. Narrative.
X Pres. Rec., June 27. 1705.

152 A Cavieronian Apostle.

Presbytery ceasing to go through the empty form of sending
"supplies" for a pulpit which was so entirely shut against them.

The publication of Macmillan's Narrative had not tended to
smooth matters on either side. Although the Presbytery em-
ployed its best pens to answer this vigorous assault, the reply
was probably of little avail where it was most needed. Cameron,
who prepared this document,* as convener of a committee, had
previously issued a " Letter to the Parishioners of Balmaghie,"
briefly and contemptuously noticed in a few lines f at the close
of the Narrative. The Presbytery also employed the printing-
press to circulate copies of the " Answers to the Grievances,"
and of Libel and grounds of Sentence. But Macmillan proved
an active literary combatant. He returned to the charge in 1706,
in a pamphlet of 28 octavo pages, entitled. The Examination
of the True Nanative Tryed and found False. In this, he
denies the personal insinuations, with which Cameron had
seasoned his work. He declares that he "was educat in the
Presbyterian Perswasion," and that his " Parents suffered much
for their adherence to these Principles in the time of Prelacy,
which Principles he still retains.'' This fact about his parents,
he declares, " is well-known," although Cameron had asserted
that it was known to the brethren that Macmillan had been
" from a boy a Separatist."

The frequent reflections in Cameron's pamphlet upon
Macmillan's want of scholarship are passed over, but the
deadlier charge that he had entered the State Church for a
livelihood is vehemently denied. ± A full explanation is given
of the immediate reasons which led him to "decline" the
Presbytery. " Let the Lord God of Gods be witness, let Angels
be witness, his own Conscience, and the Ministers of the

* viz., the Pamphlet intituled, A True Narrative Examined and Found
False. 1 705.

+ See Appendix. + Exaniinalion Tried and Found False, p. 26.

A Parish Schisjn. i 5 3

Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, at the Bar of God's Tribunal, let
them be witnesses, if it was not purely out of Love to the
Interest of our Lord Jesus Christ, and Conscience of duty,
that upon the sight and consideration of the two Acts of the
Synod of Wigton ... he was moved to express himself so
openly against joining with the Presbytery." The " two Acts ''
are described, one being given in full, at page 5 of his tract.
The first was that which directed active measures to be taken
with the three protesting brethren. It will be found in our
account of the " Grievances." The second directed the minis-
ters to renew the National Covenant, but pointedly ignored the
Solemn League. * These pronouncements, he says, led him to
judge " them to be going to a top-height of defection."

Light is also thrown, by this spirited defence, on the
exasperating conduct of Cameion and his party after they had
succeeded in deposing Macmillan. It appears that, in October
1705, they tried to persuade him to "deliver up the keys of the
Church to the Presbytery, and let them have free access there to
preach, and himself to lie by for a time."! If he did so, they
assured him that he might expect " reposition." But he had
long since lost confidence in such promises. " Once bit, twice
shy." His damaging submission or apology in July 1704, had
been wrung from him on the same understanding, yet he was
still under the sentence of deposition. He had " lain by " for
several months in that year, without seeing any progress made
in his affair. Nothing more deeply wounds an earnest man, than
the experience of what he deems to be perfidy or trickery at the
hands of his neighbours. The events which must now be
related can be better explained, though not perhaps fully justified,
if we remember that Macmillan and his people held themselves

* Macmillan had induced his people to renew both the National Covenant,
and the Solemn League.

t Examin. Tiied, etc., p. 12.

L

154 -^ Cameronian Apostle.

to be the victims of injustice and treachery on the part of the
Presbytery. In resisting that authority, they believed that they
were defending their rights against an unscrupulous and
tyrannical power.

The war of pamphlets was followed by a more formidable
series of judicial proceedings. In April, 1706, the Assembly's
Agent procured a summons against Macmillan and his
immediate adherents to appear before the Privy Council,
but this having been disobeyed, they were declared fugitives,
and rendered liable to fine and imprisonment. Before putting
the law in force, however, the Assembly directed their Moderator
to endeavour to effect an accommodation. At his instance,
a conference of heritors, elders, and people was convened at
"a public-house in the centre of the parish," probably at Clachan-
pluck. The heritors urged the people to yield, or "else there
would certainly be put a party of dragoons in amongst them."
Macmillan was not present, but as soon as he heard of this
attempt to terrify his people, he sent notice that he refused to
give up the keys of the church. Upon this, it is said that one
of the heritors suggested the payment to him of " so much of
the by-gone stipends, as would be a subsistence to him and his
family, if he would go away for good and all." This provoked
a curt and stern reply from Macmillan : — " Sir., Let your money
perish tuith you ! I am not going to make merchandise of my
ministry. I do not say, perish yourself ; but your money."*

Thus, the attempt to settle the dispute had failed at both
points. The people would not be frightened into deserting iheir
minister ; and he, in his turn, indignantly refused to accept a
bribe and desert them.

The year 1707 saw several further developments. It is re-

* This and some subsequent incidents, are from the MS. narrative already
referred to. The above letter seems genuine enough.

A Parish Schism. 1 5 5

corded in a minute of the Presbytery about January of that year,
that " Balmaghie and his curators have given the gift of a year's
vacant stipend to Mr. M'Millan's children." These were the
children of the first Macmillan, who died in 1700. The entry
is noteworthy as shewing that the principal estate was now in
the hands of a minor, whose guardians or " curators " did all in
their power to make the deposed minister's position untenable.
As we have seen, Balmaghie House was granted as the centre
for public worship. The Holy Communion was celebrated there,
according to Monteith's curious statement quoted on a previous
page. The stipend was withheld from Macmillan, and only one
year is tardily yielded up by the •' curators '' to relieve the
destitute children of Macmillan's predecessor and namesake.
The other heritors probably acted in the like fashion, and re-
tained the annual dues. The MS. narrative says that some of
the non-resident heritors forbade their tenants to give Macmillan
any help in working the glebe, or to lead his pents : and that
they "also took up the teinds in the fore-end of their rents, when
paid, and what was behind was to be so much rent resting.
This they did, lest the ground should sink with the weight of
teinds l\ing upon it, and they took this method to prevent it."
The passage is obscure, but it is clear that many of the heritors
pocketed the stipend at this time, without giving even a year's
teind as a dole for widows and orphans of the Church. It may
safely be assumed that, from the date of his deposition, Mac-
millan's income fell by at least one half, and continued to sink
gradually as one heritor after another ceased to pay the stipend,
to which, of course, he had now no legal claim.

As late as 17 13 Macmillan is alleged by Wodrow * to have
taken the "very odd step'' of sending agents round to "poind
for the teind which he alleges is owing to him." We may there-
fore conclude that after that date he received little or nothing by

* Auakcia, II. 239.

156 A Cameronian Apostle.

way of stipend, and that his sole emoluments, apart from the
" Societies," consisted of manse and glebe. It is the more im-
portant to note this, that it has sometimes been supposed that
Macmillan continued to receive the full stipend for years after
he was legally entitled to it. So far as his pecuniary interests
were concerned, however, he had small inducement to remain
in his present position.

In 1707 the heritors unfavourable to Macmillan had a con-
ference with representatives of the Presbytery " in an inn near
the centre of the parish," in order to concert methods for ex-
pelling him by legal means. The people again flocked together,
"armed," says the MS. Narrative, "with swords and pistols,'
and took possession of the inn. The heritors and ministers,
thus themselves driven out, met in the open air, but they were
at once joined by the people, who had, however, left their arms
in the inn. A dangerous collision, and perhaps much bloodshed,
were thus avoided. The Presbytery deputies remonstrated, and
hinted that their next visit would be better protected from such
interruptions. " An elder spoke out — ' Indeed, you may bring
in the dragoons, no doubt, and raise a new persecution, which
still proceeds from the corrupt clergy.' " Warner, the " father"
of the Presbytery, addressed the crowd, severely rebuking them
for their departure from the Confession of Faith. He was
promptly attacked in turn by " an old elder," who cried — " But
you are going contrair to the Confession ! We knowjw/ long
ago, and any honest man that will appear for the honest cause,
be sure you will employ your powers to the utmost to knock that
one upon the head. Do you mind how you sat a member in
that Presbytery which sat at Sondaywall and Dundrigh * upon

* In the Scots U'orthies, edit. 178 1, p. 403, it is Dnnigh and Sutidezual.
Dunigh was "in Galloway," and Sundewal "in Dunscore in Nithsdale."
Howie describes these as meetings of the "indulged," of whom Warner
was one.

A Paris Ji Schism. 157

Mr. Richard Cameron, in order to depose him ? And now
you are going on against Mr. Macmillan in your persecuting
breath ! "

This reply led to a rejoinder, and a long and heated discussion
ensued, with the usual result that " some said that we wan, and
some said that they wan." According to the contemporary
narrative, " some of the lairds sdixd/or to it, that the Whigs had
carried the day." At all events, the so-called " Whigs," as the
Macmillanites were now dubbed, were left in possession of the
field of verbal battle.

The next incident took place on the river bank near the
church, at the beginning of the year 1708. The Steward or
Sheriff Depute arrived by boat accompanied by a notary public,
to " put Mr. Macmillan out of his hot nest." A body of the
people met him and prevented him from landing, at the same
time giving in to the notary a protest, largely signed, against the
Sheriff's further proceeding. That official accordingly retired as
he came, but immediately issued peremptory summons to the
heritors of " twelve parishes,'' requiring them to assemble at
Carlingwark, now Castle Douglas, on a certain day in August,
under a penalty of ;^5o Scots. Accordingly, about 100 persons
attended him on horseback, " going three abreast," one of the
officers or constables carrying new locks for the church *' in a
bag." The cavalcade rode on unmolested until they approached
the church. There they found two large bodies assembled to
oppose their further progress. One of these consisted of men,
and was posted around the church. The other was composed
entirely of women, with the exception of " three men to accom-
pany the women and hand the Depute a fresh protest." The
Sheriff now gave the word of command — " Forward ! " But "a
gentlewoman, taller in person than many ordinary men, laid
hold on the Depute, seizing the horse's bridle, and another
woman by the other side checked his progress." The "gentle-

158 ^ Cavieronian Apostie.

woman " said, " Sir, you need not insist in that affair, for by no
means we will allow you in such an action as you are about."
The perplexed Sheriff-Depute could not ride down a mob of
women. Once more he confessed himself beaten, saying :—
" Let them employ their sojers : I am not obliged to fight for
it." He then gave a fresh order, " Right-about," and ignomini-
ously retreated, with his horsemen and " new locks in a bag."

From the description of the "gentlewoman" in this remark-
able scene, it may be shrewdly suspected that that person was a
man disguised in female apparel. In William Wilson's "Steps
of Defection," given in at Glengeith on August 2, 1721, the
fourth " step " is " the trying to keep Mr. Macmillan in posses-
sion of Balmaghie and concurring with that parish from several
shires," in order to oppose the Presbytery and "Justices of the
Peace." If we accept this charge, the inference is that the
" Societies " had lent their aid in resisting the law, by sending
members of their body to swell the threatening mob at the
church. It seems likely enough, that the prolonged and
successful resistance at Balmaghie was not made by the people of
the parish unaided. That which overawed and 'discomfited the
authorities, ecclesiastical and civil, was the fact that, all over
Galloway and in Dumfriesshire and Ayrshire, there were bodies
of men prepared to act on the old Cameronian lines, by making,
if necessary, armed demonstrations against Macmillan's ejection.

This is no mere conjecture, startling as the statement may
seem. In the Societies' minute at Crawfordjohn, May 3, 170S,
there is an entry which has a significant air in this connection :
— " Concluded, that each man capable in our Societies provide
arms sufficient, and have them always in good case, with
ammunition conformable ; and that each correspondence supply
those that are not able to furnish themselves. Likewise, that
some be appointed in each correspondence to sight the arms
and ammunition, and the foresaids to be kept private till further

A Parish Schism. 159

aUo7(.'aucc and necessity." The italics are mine. In the same
minute, a conference was adjusted between Hepburn's party and
a committee of the " General Meeting," and Macmillan was one
of the latter. It seems hardly credible, that these military
preparations, and this attempt to form an alliance with the
warlike Hepburn, had no reference to the struggle going on at
that very hour in Balmaghie. We need not make too much of
the extraordinary fact thus disclosed, that the United Societies
were in reality secret military organisations, not indeed in any
high degree of equipment or discipline, but quite a match for
the officers of the law. There was nothing new in this aspect
of the Society movement, except what arose from the more
settled government, and the dawning improvement in the con-
ditions of social order and religious freedom. Ever since
Richard Cameron and his horsemen rode into Sanquhar and
declared war against a king, it had become a tradition in the
scattered covenanting bodies to hold themselves ready for the
defence of life and liberty. Cameron, it is true, fought openly and
fell with his brother Michael at Airdsmoss ; but the Revolution
had made such overt action not only impossible, but unneces-
sary. Persecution was at an end, at least in the old dragooning
style. Such arming and training, as were still kept up, must
be secret, since otherwise public opinion would have con-
demned It. Public opinion, in point of fact, brought about
very shortly the entire abandonment of the military elements in
these Societies and Correspondences. William Wilson, whom
we have just quoted, makes it a "step of defection,'' that arms
were not taken to the Auchensaugh gathering in 171 2. In 1 708,
however, it is important to remember, that Macmillan had at
his back not only the great majority of the people of Balmaghie,
but an armed force which Gordon of Earlston, in 1683,
estimated at 7000 men.*

* Hutchison's Hist., p. 63.

i6o A Caineronian Apostle.

This year 1708 was in many ways eventful for Macmillanand
his cause. We have seen how the Sheriff and his yeomanry
made a vain assault on his position, some time in August.
Between that date and November following, we must record
three interesting events — his marriage to Jean Gemble, a lady
about ten years his junior; his solemn act of protest and
" declinature," handed in to the Commission of Assembly on
29th September, and that reverend body's response in its "Act "
against Macmillan and Macneil on ist October. The marriage
ceremony was performed by Reid of Carsphairn, who was now
like Tod, more or less reconciled to the ecclesiastical status quo,
but did not refuse to help his old brother in controversy at this
interesting moment. Jean Gemble may possibly also have been
a Carsphairn woman. The " Declinature " was Macmillan's
final withdrawal from the State Church, and although signed
also by John Macneil, a " preacher of the gospel," now acting as
his coadjutor, it was most probably the composition of
Macmillan himself It will be found in the appendix, and is
an important document in the history of Reformed Presby-
terianism. The most striking, feature for us, in our present
narrative, is its renewed and emphatic declaration, that they
were not " schismatics, separatists, despisers of the Gospel,"
and the appeal once more to what Cameron styled an "imaginary
tribunal,' the first "free, faithful, and rightly constitute Assembly
in the Church."

The Commission's response might have been anticipated,
when so bold a defiance was dated from " Balmaghie Manse,"
which the writer held by force against its authority. The "Act
against Mr. John Macmillan and Mr. John Macneil " does not
mince matters. The two offenders are declared to be " none of
the Communion of this Church." They are threatened with the
" highest censure," i.e., excommunication. The Act is ordered
to be read from the pulpits of all the parishes " where the fore-

A Par is J I ScJiisin. i6i

saids Schismatics doe mostly frequent." Accordingly, we find
it minuted by the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, on December
14, that the "brethren" had duly read it.

For some time, William M'Kie, a student and licentiate of
the Presbytery, had been "chaplain" at Balmaghie House. He
was frequently employed to " supply " the vacant pulpit, con-
ducting services chiefly at the mansion, but occasionally in
"different corners."* At length, on November 8, 1709, three
of the elders of Balmaghie, George M'Guffog, Alexander
Charters, and Alexander Macmillan, petitioned the Presbytery
to consider his claims to become the parish minister. The
Presbytery had, for several months before, been in negotiation
with Gabriel Wilson, an Edinburgh licentiate, but for some
reason, he had not responded to their invitation to " come into
the country." f This petition betrayed a falling off in Mac-
millan's faithful band of elders. Of the three who laid it before
the Presbytery, two, M'Guffog and Charters, had signed the
"people's paper" in December, 1703.;}: But they now declared
openly for the Established Church, and their request that
M'Kie might be appointed was granted, § and the usual formali-
ties were begun.

At length the day of ordination came, but that solemn cere-
mony could not safely be held at Balmaghie, and it was there-
fore transferred to Kirkcudbright. The date was October 12,
17 10, and the ordination was not completed without two unusual
interruptions. The people had already demonstrated their
strong opposition to M'Kie's settlement by another tumultuous

* MS. Narrative. \ See Pres. Rec, Jan. 1708, and following meetings.

X Gabriel Wilson was a proti'ge of the " Laird of Duchra, " whose factor
was a Robert Macmillan.

§ Two of them were probably tenants on the Balmaghie estate. M'Guffog,
as we have seen, was in Drumlane ; Charters in Dornal ; and Macmillan
perhaps in Barend. There was a John Macmillan there in 1772. See
Kirk Above Dee Water, p. 66.

1 62 A Canieroniini Apostle.

gathering. It was known one day that Cameron was on his
way from Kirkcudbright to " moderate " in M'Kie's call. At
Barnboard farm, on the parish border, a crowd of Macmillan's
adherents met him and "turned him back." This was followed
by a formal protest against M'Kie being settled as minister,
signed by " Hugh Mitchell, John Cunzie, William Cairns, and
others," to the number of " 84 heads of families, besides young
men." * M'Kie's own call had been signed by only nine per-
sons, chiefly heritors and elders. These facts promised ill for a
quiet settlement, and accordingly, the proceedings at Kirkcud-
bright were twice interrupted. The first difficulty arose when
the usual church-door intmiation was made, calling for objec-
tions against M'Kie's "life, conversation, and doctrine." Im-
mediately the tenant of Barnboard farm, John Cunie or Cunzie
(the John M'Kine who ''■might this ston" in 1731) appeared
and made two distinct charges of intoxication, saying that
M'Kie, " in June was a year, came from the Water of Dee riding
on ane horse, and rode back and forward through the Croft of
Thrieve -mains, and could not keep the highway nor sit well
upon his Horse, and after he came out of Bearcroft, he wheeled
off the rod upon the height of the leys, and held up his hand
and cryed Ha ! Ha ! as if he had had Dogs, but had none ; and
rod as fast as the horse could carry him to Balmaghie." Tliis
ludicrous charge was corroborated by four witnesses. The
second count was equally absurd, being that, " in winter last,
Mr. M'Kie was preaching in Clachanpluck upon a Lord's Day,
and he and some of his hearers, after preaching, stayed in
Clachanpluck-house and drank Ale and Brandy, but could not
give an account of the Quantity thereof, and came home to
Balmaghie within Night, and did neither take supper or goe
about Family Worship that night. Witnesses : Balmaghie's
servants."

* MS. Nan ative.

A Parisli Schisui. 163

M'Kie had an easy task in rebutting such wretchedly feeble
attacks, as well as a further charge made by "Robert Cochran
in Collain" (now Cullenoch), that he had called his wife and
certain other women a very vile name. M'Kie denied the
Threave Mains incident '' simpliciter.''' He admitted, however,
that "after sermon he took a Drink with Balmaghie, Garvarie,
and some other gentlemen, but came timously to Balmaghie
and went about Family Worship without the least disorder, as
he used to doe." As to the charge of calling names, he explains
that " he rod to Grennoch (Woodhall) before the Lady Bal-
maghie," and while strolling on "the green" there, was hailed
with cries of "Rascal! Villain ! and the like," by "Four Women
making a Hideous Noise." He admitted calling them "furious
fools," but nothing worse.

The Presbytery took needless trouble in hearing such ridi-
culous accusations. At length they found that there was no
cause for delay.* They were, however, a second time inter-
rupted. Macmillan himself appeared, with a paper which
he desired might be read at once. They decided against
this, and remitted it to a committee ; whereupon he " took
instruments in the Clerk's hands, and so went off." All impedi-
ments having thus been brushed aside, Telfair ascended the
pulpit and preached a sermon about the "l»ouse not made with
hands, eternal in the heavens," 2 Cor. v. i. Concerning which,
one can imagine a caustic critic, in the light of after events, re-
marking, that M'Kie perhaps needed to be assured of a heavenly
tabernacle, since he speedily found much difficulty in securing
an earthly one.

The ordination was followed by repeated efforts to dislodge
Macmillan. A new Sheriff had been appointed, and one day
he arrived at the " change-house " in Crossmichael, bent on

* Wodrow [Anal. I., 315) says the accusers were "seized and sent to
prison."

164 A Cmneronian Apostle.

assailing the position in the rear. The women of the little
clachan, however, were on the alert. They seized his officers as
soon as they landed, and stripped them of their warrants. Then
they rowed them back to Crossmichael, and dismissed them
with a warning not to return. A second time the gallant Sheriff
made an attempt, but once more the women drove him back.*

In the Fasti., a discreditable story is recorded that, in 17 11,
Macmillan and M'Kie encountered each other at a funeral, and
that the former " struck at him (M'Kie)," being joined in this
assault by " his wife and many other women, who cried ' Kill
the dog ! ' " Jean Genible, however (Macmillan's first wife),
died on June 12th, 171 1, and the story is one which has an air
of unreality. Still, the passions of even women were at fever
heat over the vexed question, and a similar, but worse, charge
of violent assault was brought against M'Kie himself, as will be
seen shortly.

In 1 712 Macmillan was frequently absent on the Society work,
and the Auchensaugh meeting kept him from home for a con-
siderable time. M'Kie took the opportunity to gain an entrance
to the church and manse. In the latter he is said to have gone
through the form of solemnly putting out the fire and kindling
it again in his own name, while Macmillan's domestics looked
sullenly on. Proceeding to the glebe, M'Kie's companions
"dug up earth and stones, delivering the same to Mr. M'Kie,
and warned the servants not to labour any more upon the ground,
and to flit and remove from the manse and glebe."

Macmillan's absence was misunderstood by Wodrow,t who
regarded it as a final retreat, and accounted for this movement
by the fact that the heritors were no longer paying him stipend.
But we know that long ere this Macmillan had ceased to receive
stipend from the laird of Balmaghie and other leading heritors.
And that he had not, by any means, given up the struggle,

'■■ JIJS. Narrative. t Anal at a, II., SS.

A Parish Schism. 165

appeared very soon after, when M'Kie and his supporters
attempted to plough the glebe. This was on Dec. 9th, 17 13,
and I have already referred to the incident as the " Glebe
Riot." It was the most violent scene yet witnessed in this series
of disorders. The appearance of " five ploughs," guarded by
" two men with guns," was the signal for a rush by the Mac-
millan party. They were met undauntedly by M'Kie's men,
and " sticks and stones were freely used." The " cords of the
ploughs were cut, and dogs hounded on the intruders." M'Kie,
who was himself on the ground, is said to have knocked a woman
down, " stamping his foot upon her breast and face to the
effusion of blood." The woman's husband "chased the reverend
gentleman with a drawn sword, with which he succeeded in in-
flicting a slight wound in the back." Another episode of the
combat was furnished by a woman armed with a " heuk " or
sickle, who aimed a blow at the minister's throat, which he
warded off with his gloved hand. His fingers were " cut to the
bone." The glove was long preserved as a reminder of his
escape, and the woman who aimed the blow afterwards com-
mitted suicide. By this time the ploughshares had been seized
and thrown into the Dee, where they have long since rotted
away. The M'Kie party now fled, the minister himself retiring
ingloriously " with all his clothes cutt by the buttocks," and, if
the veracious chroniclers be credited, showing wounds both in
front and rear.*

Although some of the foregoing particulars must be dis-
counted, the Presbytery Records leave no doubt that this dis-
creditable riot actually occurred on the date given. As early as
December 15th, or on the Tuesday following the outrage, a
" delation " or formal report was made to the Presbytery at

* The above account of the Glebe Riot is derived from the MS. Narrative,
and Nicholson's History of Galloivay, and bears manifest marks of exaggera-
tion and vulgar legend.

1 66 A Cameronian Apostle.

Kirkcudbright, that M'Kie "had been most inhumanly and bar-
barously treated, abused, wounded, and beaten, and had his
Cloaths torn by a Rable of the irregular people in the parish
upon Wednesday last, being the ninth of the current." * This
official report coincides generally with the MS. Narrative. The
Presbytery directed a formal complaint to be lodged with the
Lord Justice-Clerk and the " Queen's solicitor."

The Lord Justice-Clerk advised that the Judge Ordinary or
Justices of the Peace should be furnished with " ane Information
of the abuses committed " against M'Kie, and should then be
required to put the rioters on the " Porteous Roll," so that they
might be prosecuted at the next circuit court. The "Porteous"
{o\.\\Qryi\?,& portnos, portours, or portuis) Roll is "ane catalogue
containing the names of the persons indyted." f The name is
perhaps derived from the P'rench porter, to carry, the roll being
carried up to the aires or circuit court. It lay with the local
justices to furnish informations or charges to the Lord Justice-
Clerk, who in turn drew up this list of persons accused and
suitable indictments against them. The procedure, now aimed
at, had just been settled by Act of Parliament, Queen Anne,
cap. 1 6, sect. 3, 4.! This Act worked wiih the proverbial
inefficiency of new enactments. Although the offences were
committed in December 17 13, it was reported by M'Kie to the
Presbytery in April 17 15, that the "Stewart Depute " had taken
no steps to get the names inscribed on the Porteous Roll, and
the Presbytery at once directed a strong remonstrance to be
sent to that official, threatening to report him to the "Justiciary"
for neglect of duty. Johnston of Anwoth was delegated to

'"' See Presb. Rec, Dec. 15, 1713, sessio secnnda, 7 p m.

t Form of Process, lib. ix. c. 7.

X See Erskine's Principles, 1870, p. 629 : Be/Ps Dictionary of t lie Laiu of
Scotland, p. 749 : Hnme on Crimes, II., 128 : Jainieson''s Dictionary, voce
Porteous. And compare /<?;/««, the technical term for a priest's breviary.

A ParisJi Schism. 167

attend the approaching May Circuit in Dumfries and lay a state-
ment ot the "disorders" before the Lords of Justiciary; but
illness prevented him from fulfilling this duty. The Lord Advo-
cate's advice was next sought, and in accordance with his
suggestion, the statement referred to was forwarded to the Agent
for the Church. Cameron was at a later stage directed to lay it
before the Commission of Assembly. The chapter of accidents
was completed by the Presbytery Clerk failing to supply
Cameron with this paper, when he repaired to Edinburgh. It
was sent after him, but reached him too late. The Commission
h:id risen abruptly, owing to the " Confusions of the time."
The Pretender's expedition had filled the Church with alarm,
and the Presbytery, " considering the Extraordinar Confusion
that the Nation is now in,'' were obliged meanwhile to let the
matter drop.

A long interval succeeded, during which Macmillan laboured
unmolested among his people. But on May 29, 1717, Monteith
reported that the statement and complaint had at last been laid
before the circuit judge?.

M'Kie now made a complaint to the Presbytery, on October
I, 1 7 17, that ever since his ordination, he had been kept out of
church, manse, and glebe. He had been obliged to conduct
service in the open air, but this exposed his hearers in winter to
" wind and rain." He craved the Presbytery's intervention, so
that the heritors might either get peaceable possession, or else
build a " meeting-house for the worship of God." The Presby-
tery issued a letter, in consequence, requiring the heritors to
take action as described, under pain of legal proceedings.* The
heritors ignored this peremptorycommand,alihoughit was learned
privately that " Balmaghie, Keltoun, Cassencary, and Duchray "

* Presb. Rec, Oct. i, 1717. At this meeting, James M'Millan, a son
of the late minister of Balmaghie, and the Presbytery's "Bursar," was ex-
amined as a divinity student.

1 68 A Cameronian Apostle.

would concur in the execution of the Presbytery's will. That
reverend body now resolved to take legal advice, but there is no
record of the result, and in all likelihood, the friendly heritors
took steps to shelter the small congregation to which M'Kie
ministered. The MS. Narrative says, that "one heritor, with
Mr. M'Kie and his party, concluded and builded a meeting-
house, which some called the ' House of Rimmon,' and there
they worshipped, and troubled the kirk no more." It is added,
that M'Kie was lodged with his family (for he was now married)
in a " certain gentleman's house which was enclosed into a park,
being hard by the 'House of Rimmon;' and there he rested,
never expecking the kirk or manse."

The site of the " House of Rimmon " cannot now be settled,
but I have been told that it lay on the river-bank near the ferry-
man's cottage. In that case, M'Kie's temporary residence may
have been at Livingstone, a house which answers to the vague
description quoted above. As M'Kie had married (in a roman-
tic fashion, after something like an elopement)* a daughter of
Nathaniel Gordon of Carleton, he was probably in easy circum-
stances. He was also a man of prudent and peaceable nature,
shrinking from the violent scenes which had attended every
attempt to gain his legal rights. From the year 17 13, he does
not seem to have repeated his endeavour to get possession of
the glebe. The manse was still held by Macmillan, who married
again some time before 1721, his choice falling upon a daughter
of Sir Alexander Gordon of Earlston, the widow of Edward
Goldie of Craigmuie. As this lady had a number of children
by her first marriage, Balmaghie manse was for a short time the
home of a family. As to the church, it is said that a working
agreement was made in 17 14, that M'Kie should have it
whenever Macmillan was away from home, as he now was very

* See, for this curious episode, Presb. Rec., Nov. 16, 1714. Carleton is
in Borgue.

A Parish Scliism. 169

irequently.* Such was the state of matters from that date up
to the middle of 1727, when Macmillan finally took his de-
parture.

The immediate cause^ which led to this event, was a decree
of the Court of Session at length obtained by M'Kie against
him for the rent of the glebe for 17 years, reckoned at too
merks yearly. The news of this decision spread consternation
among his adherents, a number of whom had already, however,
begun to frequent M'Kie's ministry. Seventeen hundred merks
or about ;^94 sterling, was a large sum in those days, yet
the devoted band who had never deserted Macmillan hastened
to offer to become responsible for the payment, if only he would
remain among them. But his mind was made up, and he had
more than this heavy liability to influence his decision. Both
church and manse were now in a deplorable state of disrepair.
The Presbyterial Visitation held immediately after he departed,
disclosed the fact that there was only a single pane of glass left in
the church, and that the manse and offices were nearly ruinous. f
He was probably receiving no stipend now from any of the
heritors. His first popularity was yielding to the wasting forces
of time, and the gradual and growing reconciliation between the
two parties in the parish. A new generation, too, was grown up
since the stirring days of the " Grievances." Above all, a wide
sphere of usefulness offered itself in Lanarkshire, where the
Societies were chiefly located. His increasing labours among
the "Remnant" made it desirable, also, that he should live in a
less remote and inaccessible spot than Balmaghie.

All these reasons combined were enough to produce his
removal, and accordingly M'Kie at last, in July, 1727, obtained
possession of the glebe and ecclesiastical buildings, and found
himself the sole minister in the parish. The conflict had lasted
for nearly 24 weary years.

* MS. Narrative. t See Presb. Rec, Sept. 13, 1727.

170 A Caineronian Apostle.

While we must, of course, hold Macmillan guilty of
resistance to the law in retaining church, manse, and glebe, we
must take into account the state of things in the Church
generally, and the unsettled political situation. It is an
undoubted fact, that scores of Episcopalian ministers were left
in possession of benefices, especially in the north of Scotland,
simply because their parishioners would permit no other pastors
to be settled among them. Why make fish of one and flesh of
another ? This was, in fact, Macmillan's own apology for his
course of action. He acted not as a law-defying individual
minister, but as one of the people of a whole parish, who even
at the last begged him not to leave them. The people's call
was emphatically his, and not jVI'Kie's ; and in the Church of
John Knox, it was easy to quote that Reformer's own conduct,
in the Castle of St. Andrews, as a precedent for obeying such
overwhelming summons to minister to a flock, who would
receive no other shepherd. Macmillan, to the close of the
Parish Schism, styled himself " Minister of the Gospel in
Balmaghie," and exercised all the functions of parish minister.
It is true that on Jean Gemble's tombstone he designates him-
self as "■alter" minister in Balmaghie, and this has led some to
imagine that, after 17 10, he recognised M'Kie's claim to be
regarded as minister de Jure. That, however, is a mistake. A
glance at the upper part of the stone shows that it bears also the
names of the first John Macmillan and his wife, and hence the
epithet alter, to prevent confusion between two successive
ministers having the same name. The epitaph to his second
wife contains no such distinctive term, because it is carved upon
a separate stone. Here, we read simply " Minister of the
Gospel in Balm'Ghie."' Macmillan's whole contention was, as
we have repeatedly noticed, that he and such as he, were the
true parish ministers of Scotland, and we cannot believe that
he ever owned M'Kie's title to that honoured name. He went-

A Parish Schism. 171

in and out ignoring his presence, as M'Kie in turn ignored
Macmillan's ministrations, even re-baptizing a child christened
by the "deposed man," if the well-known story of the "Twice-
Christened Bairn " be true.*

Again, the unsettled state of the country tended to weaken
men's sense of legal obligation, especially in rude country
districts like Galloway. The alarm of a French invasion in
1708, and the Pretender's adventure in 17 15, kept the people in
a state of uneasiness. We have seen how all attempts failed to
bring to book William Murdoch and others implicated in the
Glebe Riot, and how this was directly due to the political
events of 17 15. The Macmillanites, like Hepburn's party, were
regarded as Jacobites by many, and in Hepburn's case, the
suspicion of what was roughly classed as ^Vhiggcry, seems to
have had some just basis of fact. The Government of the day,
however, could not afford to go to extremities against large
associations of men, having arms and some degree of military
training. And thus it became possible for a determined and
fearless minister, like our subject, to hold his own against every
power of Church and State. In doing so, he must not be
hastily condemned as simply disloyal or lawless, since he was,
in a passive sense, connived at by the civil authorities, who were
wise enough to see that, at such a crisis, it was best to leave him
alone.

Macmillan left Balmaghie, doubtless, with a sore heart. For
to its little manse he had brought tliree timesf a ha[)py bride,
and one darling boy had been born there. Twice the angel of
death had entered it, and taken away his beloved partner. And
in the kirkyard on the hill, lay many whom he had tended, as a
faithful pastor, in life and death. It must have been a cruel

* For epitaphs referred to, also a reprint of the amusing tale of the
"Twice-Christened Bairn,' see A'i7'k above Dee IVaier, pp. 32, 77-80.
t He married a third tin-.e in 1725, his second wife having died in 1723.

1/2 A Cauieronian Apostle.

wrench to go at last from a spot where he had laid '' dear dust,"
and had perhaps fondly hoped to lie himself when all was done.
There is no record of any parting demonstration. Sullen dis-
appointment was in his people's hearts. They had fought and
suffered for him, and now, when " Kirk and State had quite
given over,"* he left them. Whether owing to some such
natural displeasure, or to the ordinary healing work of time, the
Parish Schism quickly melted away after Macmillan's definitive
exit from the scene. In 1794, after sixty-seven years, the then
parish minister reported that there were 862 souls in Balmaghie.
Of these, 838 were attached to the Established Church. And
of " Cameronians," there were only 8 !

* MS. Narrative.

CHAPTER XI.

1707-1743.

THE CAMERONIAN APOSTLE.

Macmillan's first public duly as pastor — Dispute over his marriage wiih Jean
Gamble — Also, over baptism and relations with Balmaghie elders — The
" Auchensaugh Renovation." — He "debars" the Queen and Parlia-
ment— The "Auchensaugh Work" made the terms of communion —
Disputes over the "Representation" to George I. — Military prepara-
tions in 17 1 5 — -Day of Humiliation at Auchensaugh — Dispute over
Macmillan's marriage with Mistress Mary Gordon — He offers to resign
— Movement to secure colleagues — Macmillan goes to Carnwath— And
to Braehead, Dalserf — His children born of third marriage— Negotia-
tions with Ebenezer Erskine — Accession of Nairn — Reformed Pres-
bytery set up — First licentiates — Macmillan's work as sole pastor during
36 years.

/^UR last chapter brought the story up to the year 1727, so
^-^ far as the parish was involved. We must now trace
Macmillan's career as it was involved on the other hand with
the organisation of which he was, to some extent, the head and
agent.

One of his first duties of a public nature was to prepare the
protestation against the union of the two kingdoms, which had
been consummated on May i, 1707. This document was
drawn up by a committee, including the ablest men of the
General Meeting ; but from internal marks of style and thought
I am inclined to think that the draught of it, at least, was the
work of Macmillan. The reader will find it reprinted in Dr.

174 A. Cameronian Apostle.

Kerr's Covenants and Covenanters* In the minute record-
ing the appointment of the committee, there occurs for the first
time the name of John Macneil, who, according to Mr. J. H.
Thomson, was a " probationer licensed by the Presbytery of
Penpont, May lo, 1669."! Although a far older man than
Macmillan, he now became something like his assistant in all
offices competent for an unbrdained minister.

In 1708 Macmillan's first marriage gave serious distress to
the " Remnant," not because they favoured clerical celibacy, but
because he had been married by a minister of the State Church,
John Reid of Carsphairn. Several members were actually
"suspended" for "Accession jointly in the late emergent with
Mr. John Macmillan (in his marriage)," but they were shortly
after restored to membership on making an apology. The
question of their minister's relations with the elders of Bal-
maghie, and with the people of that parish generally, caused
prolonged debate. Was it right for him to hold communion
with Established Church elders, or to marry and baptize
Established Church people ? In strictness, all this was a grave
" defection," but the Gener.il Meeting valued their "reverend
pastor" too highly to make any decisive pronouncement. The
conclusion arrived at, after nearly two years, was that the meet-
ing generally were satisfied with his " freedom in doctrine anent
the sins of the land ; " that his relations with the elders of Bal-
maghie were not carried further than as concerned the collection
and care of the poor's money, and therefore might be condoned ;
and that, as regarded baptism, they accepted his promise not to
grant it in future, unless after due engagements from the parents
to avoid " what has been this meeting's grievance." The point
thus darkly hinted at was the "payment of pul)lic taxations." J

* p. 419. t /i'. P. i^to^., iS;o, p. 130.

+ See Concttisloii^, April 7, 1712, comp. with May S, 1710.

The Caineronian Apostle. 175

An undertaking which had been projected ever since the
Societies obtained an ordained minister, was at last carried
into execution in 17 12. This was the famous "Renovation" or
renewal of the Covenants at Auchensaugh.* As it not only
formed the culminating point in Macmillan's career, but also
became the foundation of the Reformed Presbyterian movement
for upwards of a century, a detailed account of this remarkable
event must now be given.

The project of solemnly renewing the Covenant vows arose
naturally out of the longing to have a celebration of the Lord's
Supper, which grew more intense as soon as an ordained pastor
was available. Since 1690, when all their ministers left them,
there had been no such celebration. From the end of 1706
Macmillan had regularly administered the sacrament of
baptism ; but the " sealing ordinance " was earnestly desired.
It was impossible to think of a sacramental occasion of such
solemnity and importance, without also conceiving the project
of a fresh Covenant pledge, to be taken prior to the sacred rite.
Such had always been the custom of earnest followers of the
"good old way." Monteith of Borgue, as we saw, made a
regular practice of renewing his own personal covenant with God
before every Communion. In the purest covenanting days
these " renovations " were frequent. The last great function of
this kind had taken place in 16S9 at Borland Hill, near Lesma-
hagow, with the three "Society" ministers — -Lining, Shields,
and Boyd — officiating. Now, after 23 years, the hearts of the
faithful beat high in anticipation of another such demonstration.

The official narrative of the "Auchensaugh Renovation" was
prepared by Macmillan and his coadjutors, and bears strong
marks of his homely vigorous style. It is a pamphlet of 108

* Hutchison [History of R. P. Church) spells it Auchinsaugh, but in the
Conclusions \\. \% Auchensaugh, and so also J. II. Thomson, R.P. Mag.,
1S70, p. 133.

176 A Caineronian Apostle.

closely printed pages, and contains several characteristic docu-
ments. We have, first, a " Preface " giving a detailed report of
the services and sermons ; then, a reprint with needful marginal
amendments of the National Covenant and of the Solemn
League and Covenant; and lastly, a stupendous "Acknow-
ledgment of Sins," covering 42 pages, along with a "Solemn
Engagement to the Duties" contained in the Covenants, which
fills the remaining 9 pages *

The previous preparations had been very careful and de-
liberate. The final resolution to proceed with the "work" was
reached only on May 26, 171 2, and a committee met on July 3
to arrange for providing the Communion elements, tokens, and
utensils, and to estimate the probable number of the communi-
cants. The place fixed upon was "the common betwixt Doughs
and Crawfordjohn," a convenient centre for the scattered "cor-
respondences." The time of meeting was to be Thursday, 24th
July, but there was to be a "humiliation day" on the previous
Wednesday. t The Committee, on meeting at Crawfordjohn,
found that there would not be enough elders to serve the com-
municants, and recommended seven members of the General
Meeting to Macmillan, "with all humility," for ordination to
that office. A warlike note was struck by a direction of the
committee, that "all have their arms in readiness," and if there
be "any just grounds of fear," expresses were to be sent to all
the Societies, requiring them to bring their weapons with them.
Failing such special order, however, none were to come armed.
A final effort to induce the Hepburnians to as;ree to terms of
communion, and to join in the demonstration, had completely
failed. I

* See Conclusions, May 26, 1712.

t The paging is peculiar, the Preface being numbered 1-40; then the
Covenants, Acknowletlgment, etc., 1-64 ; but by a printer's error, pp. 61-
64 are repented. See the jiamphlet in New College Library, Edinburgh.

J Concliisiois, July 3, 171 2.

The Cavierotiian Apostle. lyy

Such were the private arrangements made by those respon-
sible for the anxious duty of carrying through a great public
demonstration, which it was at one time feared the Government
or private opponents might attempt to prevent. Wodrow reflects
the vulgar misapprehension of their objects when he writes, at
the very date, " I doe not know how far linknowen unto many
of them, and it may be to Mr, Macmillan, the Jacobites may
have a hand in this."* He adds, that it is feared the Govern-
ment may " make a handle of this, to bring on matters yet more
grievous to the Church." We have already pointed out, that
the Cameronians were, by many, suspected of holding com-
munications with St. Germains, and Ker of Kersland afterwards
roundly asserted that he had done so himself, while keeping in
touch at the same time with the cabinet of Queen Anne and
George I. The position of men who refused to take the Oath
of Allegiance, to pay taxes, to seek or take the decisions of the
law-courts, to serve in the militia, or in any way to own the
existing Government in Church and State, was certainly open
to dangerous misunderstanding. It would have been pardon-
able if the Government had taken steps to prohibit a large
assembly of men in arms, who held such principles. They did
not, however, share the fears of ecclesiastical politicians, and
probably Macmillan received some private assurances of protec-
tion and immunity, since, as we saw, no weapons were taken
to the field after all.

It was a perfectly peaceable and unarmed multitude, there-
fore, which, on Wednesday, July 23, 1712, listened in solemn
silence while first Macmillan gave a short address vindicating
and explaining their objects in the meeting, and then Macneil
preached an elaborate sermon on Jeremiah L. 4, 5, shewing the
duty and necessity of renewing the National Covenants. These

* Analecla, ii. 75.

178 , A Canicronian Apostle.

discourses were interspersed with psalms and prayers, and finally
the Covenants and " Acknowledgment of Sins " were read, with
a solemn prayer of confession following. Macmillan then dis-
missed the people for the day, not without a " reprehension " of
their "unconcerned carriage and behaviour" during the reading
of the " Acknowledgmen": of Sins." As this document must
have taken at least two hours to read at a rapid rate, and as the
previous exercises of prayer, praise, and preaching, cannot be
estimated at less than other two, the reader of a modern age
will hardly be able to refrain from sympathising with the rest-
lessness of the audience. It was the height of summer, and a
little impatience was unavoidable, especially as many present
were mere onlookers and sightseers.

On Thursday, July 24, a multitude, variously estimated at
from 1000 to 1700 persons,* gathered on the desolate moor,
and Macmillan plunged into an exhaustive discourse on "Right
Covenanting," from Isaiah xliv. 5. This, his only extant ser-
mon, shews all the qualities of the True Narrative and his
other printed remains : plainness and vigour of style, fondness
for everyday illustrations and references, a tendency to minute
divisions and thorough searching of every topic, and a great
command of Scripture. The peroration, even in a bald abstract,
bears every appearance of effectiveness and a certain manly
eloquence. '' The keeping of this Covenant had been to our
nation a Sampson's lock, whereby we should have been able to
oppose all our enemies ; whereas the breach of it hath opened
a door for all sorts of enemies to creep in amongst us. And
hence is verified that which the Lord has threatened his people
with, for their breach of covenant : Deut. xxviii. 44, — that the
enemy shall be the head, and his people the tail."

At the close of his sermon, the " Acknowledgment " was once

" Wod. Anal, ii. 75.

The Cameronimi Apostle. 179

more read, " as preparative to the engaging part." Then, he
offered a solemn prayer, confessing sins and begging assistance.
Turning toward the people, he commanded those who wished
to renew the Covenants to " stand upright and hold up their
right hands." He recited the Oath article by article, pausing at
each and holding up his hand, until the Covenanters raised
their right hands. As is well known, this is the immemorial
Scottish mode in taking oaths. When all was done, he de-
livered a closing exhortation to faithfulness, and dismissed the
people in the usual form.

Wodrow's account of the Thursday's incidents has its usual
gossipy character. He speaks of " Mr. Macmillan's clerk " as
reading the " Acknowledgment," and adds that Macmillan
stopped the reading "when the paper came to Test and Oaths,"
and said, " Are there none here that are guilty of any of these
things? Let them acknowledge and confess them." Several
persons rose and made confessions : one, that he had been at
the Lesmahagow Renovation, and " would have confessed it
there, but was stopped." Another spoke of his sin in " hearing
the ministers." Macmillan gently asked him, if he was "con-
vinced in his conscience that that was a sin ; and desired none
might confess anything but what they were convinced in their
conscience was a sin." Confessions then multiplied ; one man
deploring a " rash oath," many acknowledging that they had
never been married, though living as man and wife, and some
confessing that " they were troubled with strange thoughts."
These last Macmillan " checked, as confessing things that need
not be confessed." It " took a long time," and must have been
a very curious scene for the elegant ladies and gentlemen, who
were said to be among the crowd. This public confession is
mentioned in the official report, but purely as covering " public
steps of defection," not private sins, a description fully borne
out by Macmillan's " checking '' those enthusiasts, who sought

i8o A Cameronian Apostle.

to wash their spiritual dirty linen in public. Wodrow's chatty
page gives a pleasant notion of Macmillan's kindly common-
sense, and of the tolerant spirit which he cherished towards the
State Church. It is much to be regretted, that he did not carry
to the Communion Table the same reasonable and kindly spirit.
But this is to anticipate.

The Friday was, as usual in the old sacramental feasts, a dies
no7i ; but Saturday, July 26, found Macneil in the pulpit once
more (if pulpit there was),* but the official account gives no de-
tails of the sermon or service. Wodrow supplies the omission,
stating that the reverend gentleman " began with an apology for
being a preacher," i.e., a probationer and unordained. The
employment of a probationer to preach on the Saturday, which
was the special day of preparation for the Holy Communion,
was then very unusual. The story is told of Warner of Balma-
clellan, that when a " preacher," he was suddenly called to assist
at a " Communion Occasion," and delivered a discourse shorter
than the usual custom was. The old minister of the parish, in
his prayer, " acknowledged the Lord's goodness in carrying
through the work, when his helpers failed him, and he had none
but a young lad, and he geyan short-breathed (brief) ! " f Mac-
neil explained, that it was the lack of helpers which obliged him
to appear again, and on that solemn day. There is something
pathetic in such humility, when we remember that Macneil had
been a " preacher " for 43 years. At the close, Macmillan
distributed the tokens, and Wodrow adds — " I hear some were
refused them, unless they would promise not to hear the Estab-
lished ministers ; but I know Macmillan did give tokens to
some who, he knew, were not ordinary hearers^ and that without
any such engagement." Here is another unsolicited testimony

* Most probably, a preaching-tent was used,
t See Fasd, under Balmaclellan.

TJie Canieroiiian Apostle. i8i

to MacmiUan's tolerance. The tokens were probably made for
the occasion, and resembled those used at the next " Renova-
tion," in 1745. Of these 1745 tokens, Mr. Hutchison says that
" many are still in existence. They bear on the one side the
date '1745,' and on the other the letters ' G.M.,' which to many
people are enigmatical, but doubtless stand for ' General Meet-
ing.'"* The usual custom was to stamp on one side the initials
of the parish, and on the other the date beneath the initials of
the incumbent. f If this was followed at Auchensaugh, the
initials would be J.M. But I have heard of no existing speci-
men.

The "great day of the feast " was Sunday, July 27, when, of
course, the entire "work" was done by Macmillan himself.
He has modestly refrained from giving us his sermon, which,
according to Wodrow, was on I. Cor. v. 7 — '• Christ., our pass-
over, is sacrificed for us^ The same chronicler tells us that
"there were eight tables, about sixty at a table, and they were
double tables. They reckon about a thousand communicants."
Macmillan " communicated himself at the first table." He
served the whole eight tables, giving all the addresses himself,
and " preached at night." Wodrow notes also that " it was a
very extraordinary rain the whole time of the action."

The most remarkable incident of the whole series of services
took place this day, when, in " fencing the tables," Macmillan
said, according to his own account, " I debar and excommuni-
cate from this Holy Table of the Lord, all devisers, com-
manders, users, or approvers, of any religious worship not
instituted by God in His Word, and all tolerators and
countenancers thereof. And by consequence, I debar and ex-
communicate, from this Holy Table of the Lord, Queen and
Parliament, and all under them who spread and propagate a

* Hist., p. 190. t Burns's Scottish Coinmimion Plate, p. 464.

1 82 A Canieronian Apostle.

false and superstitious worship, ay. and while they repent.
I excommunicate and debar all who are opposers
of our Covenants and Covenanted Reformation, and all that
have taken oaths contrary to our Covenants, and such
particularly as are takers of the Oath of Abjuration, whether
ministers or others, until they repent."'^

This extraordinary utterance spread like wildfire through the
country, and Wodrow records the fact that Macmillan "de-
barred the Queen and Parliament," as his first piece of news
regarding the Auchensaugh Sunday. Macmillan attempts to
justify his action by explaining that the above tremendous
formula is simply a transcript and application of the Second
Commandment, as explained in the Larger Catechism of the
Westminster divines. There, all toleration of superstitious
worship is said to be forbidden by the commandment against
idolatry. Yet that very year, a Toleration Act had been
passed, allowing Episcopal services in Scotland, provided the
clergymen took the Abjuration Oath. That Oath itself had
been imposed on the Established Church clergy in 17 n, and
involved a sworn promise to maintain on the throne a sovereign,
who must be a member of the Church of England, and in
Macmillan's view, an idolater. His own former co-presbyters
in Kirkcudbrightshire had mostly taken this Oath, but there was
much division of opinion regarding it.

Even with these explanations, the reader may naturally be
disposed to condemn ]\Iacmillan's high language about
dignities. It must, however, be remembered, that he spoke in
the excitement of a long series of meetings, and on an occasion
when covenanting precedents would be followed, even where a
cooler judgment might consider them out of date. Had not
Cargill excommunicated the second Charles ? And was not
Macmillan, in a sense, Cargill's apostolic successor ?

* Official Retort, pp. 3S, 39.

The Cauieronian Apostle. 183.

After all is said, the best apology for an unwise and rash
utterance like this, lies in the fact that it was a brutuin ful/ne/i,
a sentence which could not be carried out, an excommunication
which excluded its subjects from nothing that they were ever
likely to desire. There is, after all, something in Hill Burton's
suggestion that Macmillan that day was carried out of himself,
what in French is called exalte. Mr. Hutchison comments
severely on the reference made by the historian to the "days of
glory at Auchensaugh."* But I suspect that Hill Burton is not
far from the truth. Auchensaugh was Macmillan's brightest
and happiest day in a long life. He saw himself surrounded by
a gathering of the old covenanting type, such as he had known
in boyhood. He felt that he filled no mean office in ministering
the Holy Supper, alone, to so great a number of devoted
adherents of the "good old way." A certain exaggeration, and
uplifting of soul, were natural and pardonable results. We can
but pass over the regrettable touch of intolerance, and fix our
gaze rather on those traits of strong sense and manliness and
kindness of heart, which even the prejudiced author of the
Analecta could not feel justified in suppressing.

It only remains to add, that the whole " occasion " concluded
on Monday, July 2S, with a sermon from Macmillan. Thus in
five days he had delivered three discourses, and " served" eight
tables, besides giving frequent prayers and addresses, an amount
of toil that proved his bodily and mental vigour. On July 29 a
business meeting was held at Crawfordjohn, the accounts were
settled, the Covenants were ordered to be circulated in a "fair
copy upon parchment," for signature by " all the men who had
sworn them at Auchensaugh," and an official print of the whole
proceedings was directed to be forthwith published. August 17
was appointed as a Thanksgiving Day for the Communion.

* Hill Buiton, History, V., 239-242; Hutchison, History K.P. Chtnc/i,
p. 167.

184 A Caineronian Apostle.

On November 3 the Covenants, as renewed at Auchensaugh,
were made the terms of communion, and continued to be so up
to the year 1820. Women, however, were not required to sign
the Covenants, a verbal consent being deemed to be sufficient.*

The high-water mark of Auchensaugh was soon left behind.
Divisions crept in among the Remnant, first in connection with
a preacher named Adamson,t and then more bitterly over the
unfortunate " Representation of Grievances " to the new King %
A startling proposal was now first mooted, that Macmillan should
be asked to ordain "some to the office of the ministry." There
were several " students," as we know, in the membership, such
as Umpherston and Smith. And Macneil had been a preacher
for well-nigh half a century. It was a natural, although daring
thought. Why not lay hands on men so highly qualified, and
so secure the " succession of a gospel ministry ? "

When this extraordinary scheme was debated, it was found
that much difference of opinion existed. The events of 17 15,
also, served to hinder further procedure at this time. The
Societies were arming and " rendezvousing," and learning
" manual exercise." § At this time there was much bustle in all
the Nonconformist camps. The Episcopalians were on the
alert in the interests of the Pretender. Hepburn was preparing
to march to Dumfries, and meantime he armed and drilled his
men near the manse of Urr. All over Clydesdale and Nithsdale,
and in the Lothians, Fife, and Stirling, small bodies of the
Cameronians met secretly for drill and accoutrement. It was a
time of uneasiness, and no one knew how soon there might be a
change of King and a change of constitution.

The Pretender disappointed all the vague hopes cherished

* Conclusions, Nov. 3, 17 12 ; March 2, 17 13.

+ Conclusions, Oct. 26, 1 71 3.

X Conclusions, Sept. 8, 17 14, and following minutes.

§ Conclusions, May i, 1714 ; Aug. 15, Oct. 5, 1715.

The Canieronian Apostle. 185

regarding his career. Matters returned to their normal state,
and the wrangling over the ill-starred missive, addressed to
Creorge I., broke out afresh. At length recourse was had to the
ultimate expedient of a Solemn Humiliation. The brethren's
hearts turned to that Cameronian Sinai, Auchensaugh Hill, and
there they spent the 24th July, 17 18, in bewailing their own and
the land's sins.* In this effort to restore harmony, Macmillan
took the leading part, and ultimately the threatened schism
seems to have been averted.!

Once more Macmillan greatly distressed his scrupulous friends
by a matrimonial alliance. His first wife, Jean Gemble, had
died in 17 11, and in 17 19 he married Mary or May Gordon,
widow of Edward Goldie of Craigmuie, and a daughter of Sir
Alexander Gordon, Bart., of Earlston in Dairy. He had been
brought into intimate relations with " Earlston " some years be-
fore, when the latter came into conflict with the Kirk Session of
Dairy and the Presbytery. Earlston had been accused of a
grave moral offence, and had made a public vindication of his
character in Balmaghie Church one Sunday in February, 171 1.+
Probably he and Macmillan were old acquaintances, since the
latter is said to have been descended from the family of
Arndarroch on Earlston estate. Earlston, also, had married a
sister of Sir Robert Hamilton of Preston, the active agent and
friend of the United Societies, who is credited with first using
the name of Reformed Presbyterian. § The intimacy between
the deposed minister of Balmaghie and Earlston brought the
former into acquaintance with his second daughter, who in 171 1
had just been left a widow with four young children. Their

* ConchisJons, May 6, July 25, 1718.

t At the " full-dress " debate on the " Representation of Grievances " to
<jeorge I., 26 voted against it, and 22 for approving it. See Conclusions,
May 9, 1715, with Howie's note.

t Presb. Rec, Feb. 20, 171 1. § HiitcJiisoii's Hist., p. 138.

N

1 86 A Canieronian Apostle.

friendship ripened into a devoted attachment, and in 17 19 they
were married by Gilchrist of Dunscore, a nonconforming
minister recently deposed by the Presbytery of Dumfries.*

The new alliance was well fitted to strengthen Macmillan's
position in many ways. His wife was one of a pure covenanting
stock. Her father, who became baronet in 17 18, was the so-
called " Bull of Earlstoun," whose romantic adventures Mr. S.
R. Crockett has transferred to the pages of the Men of the
Moss-hags. Her mother was, as already stated, a sister of Sir
Robert Hamilton. Better still, she proved a woman of singular
piety, and thoroughly in sympathy with her husband's work and
position. The reader is desired to refer, for proof of this, to
the " Elegy," reprinted in our appendix. Socially and
financially, the match was extremely advantageous to Macmillan.
His wife's father had just succeeded to the title and estates.
Craigmuie was the property of a minor, and probably life-rented
by the widow. The marriage, however, was one of affection
and perfect religious sympathy.!

In spite of these considerations, or perhaps because of some
of them, the General Meeting deemed it necessary to send a
deputation to "converse with " Macmillan on the " emergent of
his late marriage." They were to meet with him at " Hartbush
in Tinwald," and at same time to confer with Gilchrist on the
points of difference. This was on May 4, 17 19. On August 3
Macmillan attended the meeting, and offered to submit his
marriage and all other " controverted things since the late work
at Auchensaugh " to a " lawful competent Judicatory." As the
meeting hesitated, he at once ofTered, further, to surrender his
call, and then, in much agitation, the assembled delegates de-
clared that " they neither could not nor would not receive that

* Conclusions, Feb. 5, 1718.

+ See M'Kerlie's Lands and their 0"vners in Galloway, III. S6 ; 419-422.

The Cameronian Apostle. 1 87

call at his hand, but did humbly desire him to retain it as
formerly." This practically ended the affair, although William
Wilson two years later assigned this marriage as a "step of
defection," aggravated by the fact, as he put it, that Macmillan
" threw down the call, offering to leave them, as he had done
oftentime before."*

The relations between Macmillan and his friends of the
Societies resembled those between a fond but exacting couple in
wedlock. The strict and unbending Covenanters had grown to
love and revere their chosen pastor, and yet they incessantly
found fault with him for his relations with the Established
Church, slender and fading as these had become. They were
proud of him, and fond of him, but they could not resist the
temptation to criticise him. His intimate personal association
with the elders and many of the people of Balmaghie, his con-
stant practice of baptizing the children there, and his twice-
repeated offence of seeking the marriage-rite from Established
Church ministers, were things " very grievous and lamentable "
to men who preferred to starve in spiritual matters rather than
to give or take help from the State clergy, or from ministers,
such as Hepburn and Gilchrist, who just fell short by a hair's
breadth of the full covenanting ''testimony."

The records of the General Meeting now shew an active re-
sumption of the movement to induce Macmillan to ordain a
colleague or colleagues. This movement was quickened by
Macmillan's own action in declining to celebrate the Lord's
Supper because of "his own frailty" and the want of help.
They were at length unanimous in judging that the " extra-
ordinary case " justified an extraordinary step. Ordination,
according to Presbyterian form, is the act of a Presbytery, and
one minister cannot, therefore, confer it alone. Yet, so urgent

* See MS. in New College Library, Edinburgh, already referred to.

1 88 A Cameronian Apostle.

did the crisis appear, that a formal call was put into Macmillan's
hands, in favour of Macneil and two students of divinity, Alex-
ander Marshall and Hugh Clark.* In spite of this clear
deliverance, the proposal remained in abeyance, although re-
vived at intervals. Macmillan wisely shrank from a step so un-
usual, and fitted to give rise to hostile comment. And a different
plan, offering at least a partial solution of the difificulties, soon
began to be agitated.

Macmillan, as we know, still lived in Balmaghie Manse, but
there is reason to believe that his field of labDur was now largely
situated beyond Galloway. There are complaints of friends in
Galloway not attending meetings or sending contributions.! It
was frequently impossible for Macmillan, now an elderly man
with declining health, to attend meetings, or to discharge his
pastoral duties among the scattered "correspondences," lying
chiefly in Lanarkshire and its neighbouring districts. The
question at length came to be, whedier he should remain in
Balmaghie, where his work was decreasing, or coma forth
definitely and live among his friends of the Societies. This
latter course would make his services more readily available,
and it was accordingly, on May 8th, 1727, " overtured before
the General Meeting, that Mr. Jo'in Macmillan should leave
Balmaghie."

Wodrow probably reflects, correctly enough, the state of
affairs in Balmaghie at this time. He says, writing in 1725,
" I hear the Macmillanites are very much broken and crumbled
among themselves." He notes also that Hepburn's death had
dissolved his party, most of whom had rejoined the Church.
The followers of Taylor were " very much sinking." The high
covenanting position was evidently losing popularity in Galloway,

* Conchtsions, Feb. 15, May S, July 10, Oct. 16, 1721.
t Ibid., Oct. 9, 1723.

The Caineroman Apostle. 189

and it had against it all the most powerful forces, both clerical
and territorial.

In the same passage, Wodrow hints at some unpopularity
caused by Macmillan's third marriage. Mrs. Mary Gordon had
died in 1723, and in 1725 Macmillan, returning from one of his
frequent expeditions, brought witli him a third wife, whose name,
even, remains in doubt. According to one family tradition, it
was Grace Russell ; according to a second, it was Janet Jackson.
A deputation waited on him to inquire as to the facts of the
ceremony, but no information was vouchsafed them. Rumour
had it, that he had been married by Fork of Killallan, with
whom the Societies at one time negotiated without result. The
whole affair, says the garrulous author of the Analcda, " caused
a great gumm among his followers." The Church "was very
throng for some Sabbaths after his marriage, but is since
turning much thinner."* AVith this parting piece of gossip,
Wodrow dismisses Macmillan from his pages.

Taking everything into account, we may assume that
Macmillan had good reasons for leaving a post, which he had
held so long against every attack. The reader is referred to the
previous chapter for a more extended account of these.

• Before, however, he finally turned his back on the humble
kirk and manse, he experienced for the first time the joy of
fatherhood. From the flyleaf of his Family Bible, we find that
'■'■ Josias was born the 12th of June., ^^726, upon a Sabbath
morning about Six a Cloack . . . inye manse of Balmaghie.^^
He was '''"baptized on ye Lord's Day ajternoon, in ye presence of
ye Congregation, (his) mother presenting." Kathren or Katharine,
the next child, was born in Eastshields, parish of Carnwath, on
December, 19, 1727, '•' upon a Tuesday about one a Cloack in ye
afterfiQon." He must therefore have left Balmaghie at some

* Aiialecla, III., 243--I. Guiiini means umbrage or displeasure.

190 A Cameronian Apostle.

date between June, 1726, and December, 1727. But the
record already quoted shews that at May 8, 1727, he was still
there, and the date of his departure is thus confined between
May and December 1727. Probably* he finally took leave of
the parish at Whitsunday.

Although he thus threw himself unreservedly upon the sup-
port of the Societies, it was not till February, 17, 1729, that
they resolved to collect funds for the •' wadsett or feu of a piece
of ground, to build a house upon, and provide conveniences for
their reverend minister."f Meantime he occupied successively
three different houses in the parish of Carnwath — Eastshields,
where " Kathren " was born, Errstforth, the birthplace of John,
afterwards an eminent Reformed Presbyterian minister, and
Henshelwood, which witnessed the birth of Grizel. At Henshel-
wood he continued until the house was built. This was not
accomplished without delay and difficulty. A sum of 1000
merks, or about ^50 sterling was aimed at, and the contribu-
tions came in slowly. J At length the humble residence was
completed, and at Whitsunday or earlier in 1734, Macmillan
took possession. His last child, Alexander Jonita, a girl, was
born at Braehead of Dalserf, as the house was named, on 28th
May, 1734.

"When man builds a house, then Death steps in." So says
the Eastern proverb, and on October 29, five months after, the
little maid died, and was laid to rest in Dalserf Churchyard,
'■'■beside Mr. Francis Aird.^%

The Meeting now frequently assembled at Braehead. They
were launched upon a fresh attempt fo secure ministers, and were
holding conferences with Ebenezer Erskine and his friends of

* M'Kie was in possession in July, 1727.

i Conclusions, Feb. 17, 1729. % IJiif., Aug. II, Oct., 1729.

§ See Kirk Above Dee IVa/er, p. 65. Macneil also died in 1734.

TJie Caincronian Apostle. 191

the Associate Presbytery. In 1737, however, these well-meant
negotiations also failed, the '"Testimony" of Erskine not
" answering our case." Immediately, Macmillan was urged to
^'call forth to the office of the Holy Ministry Mr. Charles
Umpherston and Mr. Alexander Marshall."* No further action
is recorded, but it was not long before these protracted efforts to
secure a colleague were crowned with success.

Thomas Nairn had been ordained minister of Abbotshall in
1 7 10, but in 1737 he followed Erskine and became a member
of the Associate Presbytery. He was called to labour at Link-
town, and continued there until differences arose between him
and the Associate Presbytery in December, T742. Failing to
obtain satisfaction, he " declined " their authority, and at once
entered into communication with the United Societies. No
time w^as lost in giving him a call to be Macmillan's coadjutor.
The question of forming a regular Presbytery was delayed till
next meeting ; on the last Monday of May. This was on April
4, 1743, and from that date, according to Mr. Hutchison, the
minutes are few and far between. t The Presbytery was ulti-
mately "erected" at Braehead, on August i, 1743, according to
Nairn's own testimony, in a sermon preached at the ordination
of Alexander Marshall on November 15, 1744.

The succession of the ministry was thus secured, since regular
license and ordination could now be given. Macmillan's long
pastorate of more than 36 years, as the sole ordained minister,
came to an end. During this period he had led a truly apostolic
life, traversing wide rural districts in Lanarkshire, the Lothians,
Fife, Stirling, Nithsdale, and Galloway, on his pastoral rounds.
He had preached in barns, in kitchens, in the open air — every-
where but in a church. For church, as yet, they had none. He
had married and baptized, as occasion arose. He had tended

* Conclusions, May 30, 1737. t History, p. 190.

T92 A Canieronian Apostle.

the sick and relieved the poor. The one thing he had not been
able to do was to celebrate the Lord's Supper among these
scattered congregations. At home in Balmaghie he still held
that sacred feast, probably once in two years, the usual custom
at the time. His celebrations were so solemn, searching, and
impressive, that the very Communion Cup used by him became
an object of superstitious awe. In the infrequency of his
Communions he did not stand alone, since Hepburn, too, is
said to have never once administered this Sacrament, or even
received it, from 1688 to his death.* But in every other part
of an itinerant ministry, Macmillan had spent his strength un-
grudgingly, and for no earthly reward. The Society's minutes
indeed contain no definite record, that he received any regular
stipend at all from his numerous flocks, although Wodrow states
that a salary of 1000 merks a year was agreed on at Auchen-
saugh.f If this was so it was never minuted, and probably it
was irregularly paid. As we have seen, no residence was pro-
vided until he had been travelling between Balmaghie and
Crawfordjohn for 27 years. On the whole, we must regard these
toilsome years as affording no mean testimony to his mental and
bodily vigour, his spirit of self-denial, and his devotion to the
covenanting cause. To minister among Cameronians has
always been reckoned a laborious if honourable of^ce. Long
sermons, long miles to walk, and limited stipends, are the tra-
ditional associations of the pure times of the Reformed Pres-
bytery. Macmillan lived and laboured in the very making of
that body. He knew, therefore, what it was to traverse great
distances by mere bridle paths, to sit by the shepherd's fire on a
lonely hillside, to raise the simple psalm amid echoing hills.
He knew the rough fare of farm-houses, and the perils of moss
and fell. That he fulfilled his sacred office alone for 36 years,

* Wodrow, Anal., 11., 378. t Ihid., II., 88.

TJie Cameronian Apostle. 193.

without rebuke or default, and in such wise as to earn not only
reverence but love from his hard-headed and undemonstrative
people, surely entitles him to receive, without challenge, the
name of the "Cameronian Apostle."

CHAPTER XII.

1743-1753-

THE LAST STORM.

First regular charge under the Reformed Presbytery — Dispute over F"raser
of Erea — Eraser's doctrine of justification — Macmillan's position — A
vote taken — Disruption of Presbytery — Macmillan's last days — His
dying testimony — His favourite "promises " — And texts—" Yea, mine
own God is He ! " — Last moments — Appearance after death — His
children — And descendants — Monument in Dalserf Churchyard — Mural
brass in Balmaghie Church — Graves of Jean Gemble and Mistress Mary
Gordon — Poetic tributes to the latter.

npHE history of the " Reformed Presbytery," as its founders
-*- called it, is so far connected with our subject, that we must
follow it for its first few years of infancy. Mr. Hutchison's
valuable work may be consulted by those who desire further
particulars.

Macmillan had now attained his " imaginary tribunal " in the
shape of a " free, faithful, lawfully constituted judicatory."
Henceforward a veritable Presbytery met at Braehead, although,
for a few years, the force of habit and the need of winding up
old affairs convened the General Meeting as formerly. The
latest minute is in August, 1759, when a desire was expressed for
a "renovation'' of the Covenants. The minutes of the new
Presbytery, between 1743 and 1758, are unfortunately lost ; but
it is known that there was a "renovation" in 1745 under its
auspices. By this time a third minister had been added, the
Presbytery having laid its hands in ordination on Alexander

The Last Storm. 195

Marshall, who had long been favourably regarded by the
Societies. Marshall was the first licentiate of the Reformed
Presbytery. The venerable hand of Macmillan was laid on his
head. It had performed no such Presbyterial function since the
year 1702, when Gordon of Crossmichael was ordained. He
took part in four subsequent ordinations. John Cuthbertson
was ordained in 1747 • James Hall in 1750; John Macmillan,
his own surviving son, in 1750; and Hugh Innes in 1751.*

Macmillan did not live to see the formation of regular
charges, the first of which, having a meeting-house, was at
Sandhills, near Shettleston, a suburb of Glasgow. This, the
oldest Reformed Presbyterian Church, had most appropriately
his own son for its minister.j But this was not till 1781, when
the venerable pastor had been many years in the grave.

As Macmillan's ministry began in strong controversies, so it
ended amid a violent dissension regarding doctrinal points. The
dogma in dispute was one which has always afforded scope for
division, the atonement made by our Lord. The discordant
voice came from the grave. The Rev. James Fraser of Brea,
while a prisoner on the Bass Rock, had written a " Treatise on
Justifying Faith." He died in 1698, and it was not till 1749
that the work was published. Its editor, a minister of the
Associate Presbytery, was at once deposed. Macmillan's
attention was drawn to the book, and the Reformed Presbytery,
shortly after its publication, formulated four propositions in
opposition to its teaching. Briefly stated, Fraser's teaching
affected chiefly the extent of the atonement. He divided
justification by faith into four different stages or classes : — (i)
legal ox fundamental ]w%\.\^Zd.'(\or\, by the death of Jesus, in which
xiU mankind have a share ; (2) personal, obtained by conscious

* Hutchison's His!., p. 190 : Binnie's Sketch, pp. 15, 16.
+ Binnie's Sketch, p. 80-83.

196 A Cameronian Apostle.

union with Christ ; (3) declarative^ or the justification granted to-
saints who have sinned, and {:() final, after the last judgment.*

The crucial point arose in reference to the first of these
classes, the so-called legal or fundamental justification. Fraser
found in the New Testament the frequent statement, that
'' Christ died for all." He read Christ's own invitation, " Come
unto me, all ye that labour." He knew that, over broad Scot-
land, the gospel-offer was made to all. Yet the ordinary view
of the Confessional teaching regarding Election and Predestina-
tion was, that only a limited number were destined and chosen
to benefit by Christ's atoning work. He himself honestly
believed this, but he desired to find some logical reconciliation
between the free gospel-offer and this limited salvation. He
imagined that he had found it in the distinction between legal
and personal justification. Christ died for all, and all therefore
have a legal right to the benefits of his death. But all will not
be saved, because God has, in his mysterious wisdom, appointed
that many shall never claim their legal rights. Many are, as he
phrases it, "reprobates," and die without further interest in
Christ. They are not personally justified, but only forensically
and technically.

Fraser's illustrations make his meaning clearer. Two may be
given, to throw light on his reasoning. The world of mankind
is compared to a casket of jewels. Christ bought the world as
one might buy such a casket ; but He bought it only for the
sake of the chosen few, as one might buy a whole casket for the
sake of some special jewels inclosed within it, retaining these,
and casting the rest away. Again, " reprobates" are compared
to men in prison, with the door unlocked. Christ's death un-
locked the door, but "reprobates " die in their dungeon, because
they will not walk out at the door.f

* See Fraser's Meditations on Justification by faith.

t Walker's Theology and TIteologians in Scotland, ed. 1888, p. 82.

The Last Storm. 197

Dr. Walker, in the work quoted below, has pointed out the
fatal weakness of Eraser's theory. It makes " the Father satisfied,
and the Saviour the wrath-inflicter." It may be added, that it is
Universalism without Salvation, a shadow without a substance.
The system is indeed full of such contradictions. Taking only
the illustrations quoted, how absurd to cast away anything so
precious as a jewel ! How wasteful to buy a whole casket, for
the sake of a small portion of its contents ! And how un-
reasonable to condeinn the prisoner for not going out at the
unlocked door, when you tie him hand and foot with the bonds
of a doctrine of reprobation !

The Reformed Presbytery, in opposition to this theory, for-
mally declared that "Christ represented and died upon the cross
only in the room and stead of a select number of mankind."
But James Hall, who had been licensed in 1750, espoused
Eraser's views, and soon a serious agitation arose in the little
Church Court. Macmillan, owing to age and frailty, could not
attend all the consequent discussions, but he wrote to his brethren
in terms of anxiety and distress, pleading for the old teaching.

At last, in April 7, 1753, the storm reached its height. A
formal discussion took f)lace at Brounhill, lasting all day, and till
late on the following evening. An issue for a regular vote was
adjusted as follows: — "Whether Mr. Eraser's maintaining that^
the Lord Jesus Christ satisfied for the sins of all mankind, so
that His satisfaction may be competent to be proposed to them
in the Gospel, and pleaded by them for their justification ; and
that this satisfaction is the ground and formal reason upon which
this faith is founded — be a dangerous doctrine ? "

Of the seven clerical members, only four were present at this
meeting. Nairn had unhappily left the Church under scandal.
Cuthbeitson was in America. Marshall, the proto-licentiate, was
ill. The remaining members were the two Macmillans, father
and son, who voted together in condemnation of Eraser's

198 A Cameronian Apostle.

teaching ; and Hall and Innes, who voted for it. Out of five
elders, who also took part, three voted with the Macmillans, and
two with the minority. Next day, April 9, the minority tried to
have the decision rescinded, but failing in this, they declared it
null and void, since two members had been absent and a funda-
mental Christian doctrine had been denied. They further
claimed to be the "essential parts of the Presbytery," and talked
of suspending and censuring the others. Finally, Innes, who
was Moderator, abruptly closed the meeting, and along with his
small following, left the place. They carried with them the
Presbytery records, which were thus lost.*

It may well be supposed that such exciting scenes did not
tend to prolong the life of the aged Macmillan. He was no
longer equal to these Presbyterial conflicts, as he had been
when he first laid his " Grievances " on the table at Kirkcud-
bright, and faced his wrathful co presbyters. Some dim thoughts
we may conceive passing through his mind, as the end swiftly
drew near, regarding the emptiness of all these refinements and
theological wranglings, the beauty of peace and love among
brethren. Perlurbatus egredior, said the ancient heathen sage ;
and Macmillan might have been pardoned if he had echoed the
sad phrase. But the last days, now to be described, were not
vexed beyond measure by painful reminiscences. And eternal
peace settled at length on the worn brow.

The deathbed of Macmillan is associated with the Fraser of
Brea controversy in a somewhat peculiar way, inasmuch as the
contemporary account is an appendix to the Obsetvatiofis on a
Wolf in a Sheepskin of Charles Umpherston. This curious little
tract is now rare, but two perfect copies are in the New College

* I have followed Hutchison's account, History, p. 198, 199. He fixes
this discussion and division at Edinburgh ; but the Wolf in a Sheepskin
locates it at Brounhill, pp. 10, 21.

The Last Storm. 199

Library, Edinburgh, Tlie Observations, dated "November 15,
N.S., 1753," or November 4, O.S., were completed just sixteen
days before Macmillan died, and possibly Umpherston embodied
in them the aged minister's own arguments. This paper is a
critique of Messrs. Hall and Innes, who had recently circulated
a statement of their case among the Societies. Incidentally,
light is thrown on the strained relations between these two
young clergymen and their spiritual father, Macmillan. The
first discussion on Fraser of Brea's doctrines took place, it seems,
at Brounhill, not at Braehead. Macmillan had apparently made
a change of residence. Here, the aged pastor " tabled " Eraser's
doctrines as unsound. x\t this conference, Umpherston accuses
Hall and Innes of most disrespectful conduct. "... fre-
quently, when that pious (I say not sinless) old Man did speak,"
they were observed " to turn their Faces, and make himself, and
what he said, rather a matter of Buffoonry, than anything else ;
and, to my own Hearing, to express themselves in a most
diminutive way, which I will not here mention." * The young
men, in point of fact, as the fashion of youthful presbyters too
often is, considered Macmillan a fossil, and laughed irreverently
at his antiquated views and phrases. They ridiculed his re-
marks on " Arminian texts," on a supposed " threefold Cove-
nant," and on assurance of salvation. Such has been the mode
of assertive youth in Presbyteries, up to our own day.

The controversy ended on April 9, as we have seen, in an act
of petty larceny. Macmillan was fast drifting far beyond all
such disputes. The criticisms of Umpherston were hardly ready
for press, when it was seen that the end was very near. The
particulars recorded cover the last week, beginning at a date
" several days before his Exit," when his friends, from near and
far, gathered round his bed. No names are given, but in

* Wolf in a Sheepskin, p. 7.

200 A Cameronian Apostle.

addition to his surviving son John, now aged 24, and his sur-
viving daughter Grizel, aged 22, he had beside him his faithful
friend and apologist Umpherston, whose medical skill lent
-special value to his presence. Umpherston's trained eye noted
the increasing weakness, with many other details which an
ordinary observer would hardly have recorded so exactly. " His
now crazy Body and failing Tabernacle could not supply him
with Organs suitable to such a vigorous Soul, but was obliged
after speaking some Time to rest a while.'' He was asked his
opinion about a recent manifesto of the two seceders, and was
able to express it in round terms. "... he was not only
misrepresented, but notorious Falsehoods charged upon him,
and had attempted to blacken his Character and Name, and
sully his Reputation, now when he was going off the Stage."
Plainly, the " Buffoonry " of the younger men had wounded
him deeply ; yet he added that '•' he heartily and freely forgave
Mess. J. H-1, H. In-s, and A. W-t (J. Hall, H. Innes, and A.
Wright) what they had done against him . . . and leaves
his Testimony against Universal Satisfaction " — i.e., against
Eraser's doctrine of legal or forensic justification : as described
above.

He was " now dying," says Umpherston, who professionally
saw the signs which even a lay eye learns to notice. He was
asked about his past life, and his attitude on Church questions.
The brave old Covenanter never faltered. " . . . he was
fully persuaded of the Equity of the Covenanted Cause, and the
Work of Reformation carried on from 1638 to 1649.
He was fully convinced it was the Lord's Work and Cause,
which he had many times signally manifested, by remarkable
appearance for the same. And died in the firm Faith of it, that
the Lord would yet own that Cause." Yet he " thought the
Lord would first come in a Way of Judgment against the
Nations, that even the Lord's own People need not expect to

The Last Storm. 201

escape a very sharp Trial for their Indifferency, and Lukewarm-
ness, and sinful Compliance with Enemies. He further added, that
were he to begin his Life again, he durst not counteract what he
had done, in bearing testimony for these Truths that had been
sealed by the Blood of a noble cloud of Witnesses ; but would
judge it his Duty to act the same Part again, abstracting from
his Weakness and Infirmities. . . ." We can see, here, how
the old man's mind wandered back to the early days at Bal-
■maghie, when he passed through so many stormy experiences.
"Much he spoke to this Purpose, two days before his Departure,
though his Strength was much exhausted, and oft faintish
through weakness of Body."

On the last day of his life, Friday, November 30, N.S., he
still continued to recall the past. In answer to a question, as
to whether " death was terrible to him," he declared his " long-
ing desire" to be with the Lord, and "broke out into a Rapture
and spoke much of the Sweetness of Communion with
the Lord, which, he said, his Soul had many times remarkably
experienced, as in other Duties, so particularly in Meditation,
and Prayer, to which he had been much accustomed, and that
from his Infancy, the Lord having begun the Work of Grace
very early in his Soul. And said, that when he was but very
young he had essayed giving himself away by solemn Covenant
unto the Lord. . . . And then went through much of the
Tract of his Life, recounting the AVay of the Lord's Dealing
with his Soul." We share the regret which follows, since these
last reminiscences are very full of value : " But pity, much has
escaped the memory of those who were present."

The dying man now repeated many of the " Promises which
the Lord had many times made most refreshing and comfortable
to him, through his wandering Life, in the midst of Dejection
and Down-casting." The devout reader will find it a pleasure
to read some of these, as noted below.

o

202 A Canieronimi Apostle.

Fear ihou Jiof, for I am with thee ; be tiot dismayed, for I am
thy God*

I, even /, atn He that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine
axon sake.\

Thou shalt guide me with thy counsel, and afterzvard receive me
to glory. \

My grace is suffcient for thee ; for My strength is made perfect
in weakness.%

In the midst of these pious ejaculations, great weakness seized
him, and the thought of Family Worship entered his mind. It
was night, and the ruling habit was strong in death. He named
the psalm to be sung, and the Scripture lesson ; then begged
" one to go about religious Worship." The " one," left un-
named, was doubtless his faithful friend and doctor, Umpher-
ston. When the prayer ended, Macmillan, with a " smiling
countenance," said : —

"■ Now again the Lord has been sealing to my soul, by His
Spirit, all those promises that I spoke of to you, has confirmed
them to me, and assured me, that in a little I shall obtain the
full possession of them, and receive a crown of righteousness
from the righteous Lord."

Some friends came in at these last moments. He " desired
again they might go about Duty, and come close to the Bed-
side, that he might hear, and so join with them ; for, said he,
'I think I am fast going, and this will be the last time that I
will join with you upon Earth, in serving the Lord.' And so
desired sing the first five verses of the 103rd Psalm ; for, said
he, ' my soul rejoiceth in the Lord God of my Salvation.' " The
Scottish reader hardly needs to be reminded, that it is this
Psalm, sung to the plaintive tune of Coleshill, which forms the
JVunc dimiltis of the communicants leaving the Holy Table.

* Isaiah, xli. 10. + Isaiah, xliii. 25.

X Psahn, Ixxiii. 24. § 2 Cor., xii. 9.

TJie Last Storm. 203

Macmillan felt himself to be in extremis, and though none
dreamed of giving him the Communion, he wished to depart
rejoicing as one who had feasted, and was content.

Next, he ordered the tenth chapter of St. John to be read,
and repeated the verses : " My sheep hear my voice, and I know
them, afid they follow me. And I give unto them eternal life, and
they shall never perish, tieither shall any man pluck them out of
my hand.""*" Then, as the prayer began, he begged "that they
might all bless the Lord for his goodness, and pray that he
might have a quick and speedy passage over the last Jordan
into Immanuel's land : further said, 'O pray that the devil may
be confounded, and prevented in his designs, for I know I shall
yet have an attack from him ! ' "

Still, the aged Christian craved for Scripture song and word.
At his request, a part of the 91st Psalm was sung, Qui habitat;
and the first chapter of St. Peter's first epistle was read. It is
that which concludes with the sad tale of the withering grass
and falling flower, a theme fitting for those dark days of Novem-
ber; and then triumphantly contrasts this with the abiding Word
of God.

At last the prayer was said, and then a fond memory came to
him. Where was it written, Yea, mine own God is He? Some
one said, it was in the metrical Psalm xlii., the very last line of
it, and at his request the whole veise was read —

" For yet I know I shall Him praise,
Who graciously to me
The health is of my countenance,
F(?f7, 7/iitie own God is He."

" Yes, I know," murmured the departing pilgrim — " and am
assured of it — Yea, mine own God is He ! " " Then," says the
good surgeon, "complained he had no feeling in the little finger
of the left hand." Another friend engaged in prayer, and then

* S. John, \. 27, 28.

204 ^ Cavieronian Apostle.

"he said he thought he had no feeling in the left hand, so sen-
sible was he of life departing from the Extremities of his Body."
It was now " past midnight." The clock had struck, and the
first day of December was begun. It was almost the anniver-
sary of his first sermon as the minister of the United Societies,
preached December 2, 1706, forty-seven years before. The
coincidence seems to have struck the narrator, since he refers
to the date at the beginning of his narrative.*

" Upon which, it being said to him that, as he had ever been
desirous ot his Departure, and to be ever with the Lord, so it
seemed to be evident, that the Time of his Departure was at
Hand. Whereupon, he cheerfully replied, that he could wel-
come the King of Terrors, as a Messenger sent from his heavenly
Father, to bring him to the Mansions of Glory; and added,
'■Lord., I have waited for thy Salvation.''

" Thus did his Soul continue to magnify the Lord to the last ;
and when his natural Strength failed, that he could scarce speak
audibly, yet his Si)irit rejoiced in God his Saviour.

"The last Words which he was heard to speak, wi;hin a few
minutes of his last Breath, were, ' My Lord., my God, my Re-
deemer, yea mine own God is He.' And the few minutes remain-
ing after he ceased speaking, he was observed to be in a praying
and praising Disposition. And after he had fully finished his
Course, with a pleasant Countenance, his Eyes lifted up, and his
right Hand a little raised up to Heaven, he willingly resigned up
his Soul to his beloved and faithful Saviour, in that full Faith and
firm Persuasion, that with his Eyes he should see his Redeemer,
and not another for him."

" Thus comfortably," adds the devout chronicler, " and joy-
fully, he resigned his Soul to God, in the eighty-fourth year of
his age, on Saturday the 20th Day of November, O.S., 1753."

* Wolf in a Sheepskin, p. 39.

f 4

hr

-^^

^n

\

E^-A-..,.

The Last Storm. 205

Such a death needs no comment. It speaks for itself. The
man who could die thus was no mere " bigot separatist," or nar-
row sectarian. There was much in him of the patriarch, or even
what Cunningham styles the high-priest. These incessant
praises and readings and prayers bespoke one who had lived in
the atmosphere of family prayers, and had been used to direct
and appoint these daily devotions. And the right hand " a little
raised up to heaven " (since the poor left hand was now dead)
may seem to us a significant benediction on the sorrowing little
Church. It must take us back, too, to the " high day " at
Auchensaugh, where, as his right hand rose, a thousand others
were lifted up to swear the solemn Covenant Oaths. What were
the associations that made the words, Yea, mine own God is He,
so dear, and drew them from his dying lips? We can but guess,
and perhaps wrongly. But plainly enough there was an ancient
sweetness in them for his soul. And perhaps they took him
back to some summer day on the Minnigaff hills, when the field-
preachers uttered their rough homely message, and men's hearts
burned within them with a sacred, passionate fire.

The story ends here, or to continue the figure of our chapter
headings, the voyage is finished in port. But some few particu-
lars must still be given as to Macmillan's family and descend-
ants. As we have seen, he was thrice married, but the two first
unions were childless. The flyleaf of his Bible records the off-
spring of his third marriage, and touchingly sets down the death
of three out of his five children. First, the infant daughter,
quaintly named Alexander Jonitn, died in 1734, aged 4 months.
Then in 17 38, died " Kathren," a '' stcitcJy and Jiopefiil child ;
the day before she fell sick, that (as she expressed ) ran freque^itty
through her mind — ' O death, 70 here is thy sting? O grave,
where is thy victoiy, etc. ? ' I could never have any doubt of her
salvation.^' The child was only eleven. Two years passed, and
in T740 Josias, the eldest of all, was called away, " being thirteen

2o6 A Cainerojiian Apostle.

years, seven months save j days He was a child be-
loved by all that knew him: he had a solid judgjuent and sharp
memory. I could say tnuch concerning my assurance of his salva-
tion, but forbear ; not doubting the other tzvo." The infant,
Jonita, lies in Dalserf Churchyard, with " Kathren " on her
right and Josias on her left. Near them their aged father, too,
reposes, his great monument contrasting with the tiny fragment
built into the base, with its mutilated inscription — -

HERE LYES THE CORPS

OF Kaihr .
Jannet M'Millan
daughters of the

REVERINT Mr. JoH . .

M'Millan, minister

OF the GOSPEL

. . . Jo . . .

The "other two," of whose salvation the kind old father doubted
rot, were John and Grizel. John, as we have recorded, was
licensed and ordained by the new Presbytery in 1750, at the
age of 21 ; and he lived till 1808. At his death, aged 79, he
was minister of the Reformed Presbyterian Church in Calton,
Glasgow, with John Fairley as his colleague during the last
years. He was twice married, and one daughter became the
wife of Thomas Rowatt, minister of the Scaurbridge Cameronian
Church. Penpont. The youngest son of this marriage became
an ironmonger and farmer at Newton-Stewart, which he left for
Edinburgh. He died in 1880. A son of his, Thomas Rowatt
or Rouet, ILsq., is in possession of his great-great-grandfather's
seal, referred to in a former chapter.

The daughter Grizel married Andrew Galloway of Sandyhills
near Glasgow, and had issue two sons, and one daughter Eliza-
beth, who married John Grieve, surgeon in Inverkeithing,
whence he remove i to Glasgow in 1794, 'ind died there in

The Last Storm. 207

1820, aged 58. From him descended another great-great-
grandson, John Grieve, Esq., M.D., Glasgow.

Grizel Macmillan became a widow in 1764, and married,
again, John Thorburn, Reformed Presbyterian minister in Pent-
land. She died in 1767, aged t,^^^ leaving an infant girl.

John Macmillan II. had a son, also named John, who was
the first Professor of Divinity to the Reformed Presbyterian
Church. He died in 1818, aged 68. The period covered by
the ministry of the three John Macmillans extended from 1707
to 1 818, or no less than about 112 years. The epitaphs on the
Dalserf Monument, which was not erected till 1839, give these
dates ; and conclude by saying — " These preached the same
Gospel, and ably advocated the same public cause, adorning it
with their lives, and bequeathing to it their Testimony, and the
memory of the Just."

It is a " far cry " from Dalserf to Balmaghie ; yet in the little
parish church of the latter, a fine memorial brass was erected in
1895, bearing the following inscription : —

" To THE Glory of God

AND IN MEMORY OF

JOHN MACMILLAN, A.M.,
Born at Barncauchlaw, Minnigaff, 1669 :
Ordained minister of the Parish of Balmaghie 1701 :
Accepted the Pastorate of the United Societies 1706 :
Which office he laboriously discharged for 47 years :
Died at Broomhill, Bothwell, 1753. Buried in
Dalserf Churchyard.

A Covenanter of the Covenanters :
A Father of the Reformed Presbyterian Church :

A Faithful Minister of Jesus Christ."

^' This Tablet is placed here by his Great-great-grandson,
John Grieve, M.D., Glasgow, 1895."

2o8 A Cmneronian Apostle.

The tablet is placed above the manse pew, and at the north end
of the church. The preacher to-day, as he lifts up his eyes from
prayer, sees from the pulpit the burnished surface. He can,
with ordinary eyesight, read the name in large letters. So,
through the coming years, this mute reparation is made to one
whom the parish loved, but the Church rejected. Outside, in
the churchyard, the spot can be shown where Macmillan's
pulpit stood, for the east gable of the old church was partially
preserved, for the sake of the fine monument to M'Kie, Mac-
millan's successor, which had been built against it. And near
at hand lie Jean Gemble and Mistress May Gordon. To the
latter, her husband wove a chaplet of verses : — -

" Here lies, beneath this humble monument,
The precious dust of an exalted Saint :
A Mary rightly nam'd, whose gracious heart
Ev'n from her youth still chose the better part ;
High Birth, Health, Honour, could not make her proud,
But Grace and Vertue made her great and good ;
For piety and prudence liv'd renown'd,
And now is with immortal glory crown'd. "

A larger poetic tribute has been reprinted in our appendix. Both,
like all ]\racmillan's printed work, are anonymous, but unques-
tionably from his hand.

Macmillan's own dust is in the churchyard of Dalserf, where
the imposing monument has lately been renewed by loving
hands. There, also, rest three children, but their mother's grave
is unknown.

CHAPTER XIII.

SUMMING UP.

Macmillan's character conditioned by nationality and country — His shep-
herd-life — His chief qualities — Determination — Conscientiousness —
Self-Distrust — Shrewdness — -Tolerance — Aflfectionateness — Poetical
Spirit — Piety — Conclusion.

TT may not be tedious, to any reader who has accompanied
me thus far in the story, to present some brief sketch of
Macmillan's character as disclosed in the preceding pages.

Character cannot be fully understood without reference to
country. Macrnillan was a Scotsman of the purest strain. He
was more than this, however ; he was a thorough-bred " Gal-
loway man." Any one, who will make the pleasant pilgrimage to
Barncauchlaw, and from thence to the wilder scenery of Glen-
head, Craigencallie, and the martyrs' graves at the Caldons, may
easily gather something of the influences which moulded the
boyhood and early life of Macrnillan. Minnigaff and Kells and
Carsphairn were assuredly " meet nurses " for such a man. The
first-named parish, in particular, abounds in curious and even
startling features. Even under our comparatively tame modern
regime, with steam-rolled roads and the telegraph wires hum-
ming at the side, the drive from Newton-Stewart across the
Cree to Murray's Monument, or away up to Glen Trool, fur-
nishes scenery of wild and sometimes savage beauty.

The friendly guide points out deep, if not bottomless, peat-
holes, where no animal heavier than the mountain-sheep dares
to tread. The "devil's pasture," they call them. At one point

2IO A Cameronian Apostle.

we draw up and test the eerie echoes which roll in from the
hills. At another, a shaggy group of miners stand at the door
of their rough shanty. For lead-mining has long been an in-
dustry, though hardly a very profitable one. Long snow-white
ribbons of foaming water stretch down the sheer hill-sides, from
which also huge masses of rock seem to threaten the wayfarer.

One has to blot out of the wild mountainous landscape every
road, bridge, and fence, in order to conceive even faintly the
aspect of the country as Macmillan saw it. In his time there
were no wheeled carriages. At the beginning ot the present cen-
tury the chatty and learned author of the Buchanites from First
to Last* was the only person in the district around Castle Dou-
glas who used a gig for his journeys. And even he did the bulk
of his Inland Revenue work on foot.

I number still among my parishioners an aged dame whose
girlhood was spent in the parish of Minnigaff. She remembers
vividly the long narrow footpaths leading from her home to
Minnigaff Church, and including such breakneck places as are
indicated by names like the "cat-loup," the " fit-loup," and the
"horse-loup," f Perhaps Macmillan himself knew these danger-
ous spots by the same descriptive names.

On the seemingly endless expanses of rolling hillsides Mac-
millan learned his first lessons as a pastor, by literally herding
the rough sheep on his father's farm. Whatever is distinctive in
a Scottish shepherd we may expect to find appearing, more or
less, as an element of his character. And no one familiar with
these Galloway wilds needs to be told that there is not on earth
a being more solid, watchful, shrewd, and self-reliant than the
^'herd." Great responsibility is his, seeing that hundreds of
pounds' worth of stock is confided to his care. In the anxious

* Joseph Train, the friend and correspondent of Sir Walter Scott.
I i.e., cat-leap, foot-leap, and horse-leap.

Summing up. 2 1 1

lambing time he hardly closes an eye in sleep, ranging at all
hours of the day and night over pathless hills, in order to minis-
ter to his charge. His food is the homely " piece," carried in
his pocket. His plaid forms both a mantle and a blanket. Be-
side him, ever on the watch, trots the almost human " collie,"
which is believed to do everything but speak. He strides along
at a pace which no townbred limbs can equal, and though alone,
he feels no depression or fear. In the seventeenth century his
task was even harder, since there were no fences, and a careful
watch must be kept up till harvest was over, lest the sheep should
make a destructive " raid " on field or garden.

Such a life builds up a character very marked and impressive,
even in a man who has had no special advantages from educa-
tion or surroundings. If we assume that Macmillan lived this
life till he was twenty-six, we can have little hesitation in trac-
ing the main features of his character to these early associations.

The deierfnination, for example, shewn by him in pursuing any
course which he undertook, was a quality founded in the disci-
pline of the moorland and sheepfold. Although signs of appar-
ent vacillation occur, the reader cannot fail to note that his
.whole career ran on certain fixed lines. He would be a minister
of the Gospel, but he was resolved to submit to no authority
save Christ's own. Christ had a " kirk " in Scotland somewhere,
which he sought with unwavering stedfastness. He failed to find
it in the Establishment ; for that, according to his view, had
early separated from Christ. He could not find it in the brief,
though powerful movement of Hepburn ; for Hepburn seemed
in some degree to be serving two masters. At last he sought
and found it among the "Suff'ering Remnant," with whom in-
deed his boyhood and youth were entwined, and among whom,
in the prelatic days, his own father and mother had endured
hardness. The various tackings and wanderings of his career
were not the results of "weakness" or " disingenuity," as his

212 A Caineronian Apostle.

critic, Andrew Cameron, declared. They were nothing more
than the successive efforts of a resolute voyager on the sea eccle-
siastical, determined at all risks to reach firm land. When once
he gave in his adhesion to the United Societies, he never fal-
tered or turned back. And he touched ground early enough to
spend forty-six toilsome years in the pastorale.

Macmillan's conscientiousness was a characteristic Scottish
quality, which accounted for occasional apparent inconsistencies.
A Scotsman must have his "scrupulosities : " must " lift up his
testimony." And it was a time of hairsplitting dialectics. Tlie
great question of the day was, as it has ever been in Scotland,
the relation of the Church to the State. That question has
assumed several different forms, and in our time it appears in a
form which would sorely puzzle Macmillan. For, he never
doubted, what all Church parties laid down as an axiom, that the
State ought to recognise, confirm, and nourish the Church.
Nay, more ; he held, as all did, that the State ought to compel
its citizens to conform to Christ's true religion. Papists and
prelatists, equally with "witches" and unbelievers, should be
punished by the strong arm of the law. During his own brief
time as a parish minister, he had eagerly and firmly set the law
in motion for such ends. But when the State sought, however
remotely, to assert its authority over the true Church, to con-
voke and to dissolve her Assemblies, to impose civil tests and
qualifications for her ministers, in short, to exact, as the price
of its protection, submission to another Head than Christ ;
Macmillan revolted against this, and took his stand for the high
Covenanting doctrine. The Church of the Covenants, as seen
between 1638 and 1649, in the Golden Age of Presbytery, sat
enthroned above all principalities and powers. A king, to her^
was but a mortal sinner as others, whom she could set up or
cast down by Christ's authority. Donald Cargill excommuni-
cating the second Charles, Richard Cameron declaring war

S 21 mm ill g lip. 213

against James at Sanquhar Cross, these were Macmillan's heroes
and types. Upon these, he formed his own views and conduct.
Yet, in the nice distinctions of a period like that of the Revolu-
tion Settlement, he could not but feel at times confused and
shaken. When men like Carstares accepted the modified
privileges accorded by William of Orange : when the Scottish
people, as a body, settled down contentedly in a Church, which
gave them full parochial freedom after a time of fear and
bondage : when the leading ministers of Galloway, including his
own pastor, hastened to seat themselves under the Erastian vine
and fig-tree, although more than one of them had suffered and
fought against prelacy : can we wonder, that a raw countryman
was, for a time, impressed and carried away ?

And must we not, at least, give to Macmillan the credit of
pushing his way through a forest of distinctions, and reservations,
and ingenious adaptations, to the old high ground where Cargill,
Cameron, and Renwick made their stand? All around him,
the most powerful influences worked for conformity. So much
had been gained ; why peril the whole Presbyterian system by
setting up inopportune objections ? Was not Presbytery estab-
lished as the National Church Government ? Were not the
days of persecution and martyrdom for ever banished ? In
Galloway itself, was not every parish provided with its minister,
duly and orthodoxly " called " by the people ? As for further
attainments, such as the Covenants aimed at, might they not be
cautiously and gradually endeavoured ? Such pleas satisfied the
consciences of men like Lining and Boyd and Cameron. For
a time, they lulled the conscience of Macmillan himself. But
the Oath of Allegiance gave him a rude awakening. All his old
scruples rushed back. The Church submitted to this " Erastian
yoke ; " and where were now the fine promises and prospects of
a gradual enlargement of her liberties ? Macmillan began to
fear, that the progress was downwards, instead of upwards. And

214 ^ Canieronian Apostle.

the whole burden of Covenanting woes settled once more upon,
his soul. The very foundation was rotten, for Presbytery had
been settled only as being " agreeable " to the people, not as
being the sole divine ordinance of Christ's Church everywhere.
Episcopacy was set up in England. Popery was endured in
Ireland. The Assemblies of the Church were made a shuttle-
cock for the King's advisers to play with. The Church herself
was allowed to remain impure, from a leaven of the old " malig-
nancy,'' and from the supineness of her "church officers." We
have seen, how these lamentations rang out in the "Grievances."'
Plainly enough, Macmillan's conscience was of a less pliable
order, than that of most. And, unaided by great learning or
high position, he drove his way alone, through every sophism,
straight to the highest Covenanting ground.

There were not wanting seasons of self-distrust, as he struggled
on to his final stand. We must frankly recognise in him that
element of vacillation, which has always mingled with deep
spiritual emotion. It would be a mistake to suppose, that Mac-
millan simply felt, that he was right and all others quite wrong.
The patient reader will see in the narrative already given, more
than one stage at which he was seized with doubt. Could so
many and so learned men be " off the foundation ? " What
right had he, the youngest and least accomplished presbyter, to
repel their repeated and tempting invitations to him to " rest
and be thankful ? " Such inward self-questionings led to Mac-
millan's partial submission to Presbytery and Assembly. Even
Hepburn made terms with the Church, and Hepburn was much
his senior and superior in gifts. The pent-up feelings of his
heart broke out in the pulpit, in the dark days of November
1703. " They want me to 'club' with them, to make an agree-
ment ! But none such is like to be." For on the Friday, when
" he went to his studies," they did not " go " with him \ and
this he took as a token that he must not bate a jot of his prin-

Sumuiing up. 215^.

ciples, if he would keep a clear conscience. There had been
a hard fight in his soul, that Friday night. Interest and personal
comfort pulled one way : his high Covenanting views pulled the
other. He came out of the conflict victorious over self, but
excited and upset. " Once there were three that stood for the
Truth," he cried from his pulpit; "but now, I know not but
there is only one. Yet though all should leave me, I am re-
solved to stand where I am ! " In such " brave words," a
sympathetic ear detects a tone that wavers. I believe the speaker
was in a sea of doubts, all that bleak November. " Stand by
me," he implored his rude congregation, as they sat bonneted
and plaided in the little church; "yet if you fail me, I am pre-
pared to stand to my hazard ! " We are told, that during these
dark Sundays, he was " upon " his ordination text—" Pour out

your hea7-t before Him ; God is a refuge for us." It is easy to
picture the feelings which moved him to harp upon this string.

Then came the dreaded day of the " Visitation." A last
temptation befell him. His brethren offered to let the whole
prosecution drop, if he would engage to submit to them, in
other words, to abandon his active testimony against the corrup-

. tions of the Church. For the last time, he hesitated. He
craved half-an-hour to think. We may guess how the time was
spent. When he returned, it was in a renewed excitement and
fervour of soul. Sign the agreement? never! "The parish of
Balmaghie would have a bonnie bird of me to be their minister
— a brave minister — a bonnie dearie indeed — if I subscribe this
till I be excused from the Libel." In such a homely outburst,
the countryman stands revealed under the clergyman's coat :
half-abashed before the imposing gathering, yet finding vent in
his no.tive Doric. This was perhaps the supreme struggle ; but
even when deposed, a faint gleam of hope induced him to sign
the extraordinary "submission" of July, 1704, which his Society
friends found so "grievous and lamentable." He distrusted his-

2i6 A Caineroniaii Apostle.

own judgment, and yielded to the pressure and influence brought
to bear upon him in Edinburgh. He felt himself inferior to the
eminent men there who counselled the step, and who hinted at
the prospect of his restoration. Perhaps, it needed the suspi-
cion of betrayal, whether right or wrong, to fire his blood again.
This it was which made him start from his seat in church at last
and cry, " I myself will preach next Sunday ! " His doubts
were ended. The die was cast. He was embarked in a struggle
with the Church and her ally the State.

Along with Macmillan's self-distrust went a very considerable
degree of caution and shrewdness : these also being quite native
to the soil. We have noted, in the proper place, how he pro-
tested against the irregular procedure of the Presbytery from the
very outset. We have seen how carefully he guarded his pro-
testations from the suspicion of schism or divisive conduct. His
excessive caution in answering questions has also been manifest.
" Would he ottni the '' people's paper'' V^ . . . ^' I/e 7(.>ould
neither own it, nor disotvn it." That is an answer savouring, a
hundred miles off, the still Galloway spirit, watchful against
even the most inoffensive approaches. His demeanour through-
out the long "Parish Schism" was carefully adjusted to the
■same measure. Never once did he appear in any of the
numerous violent scenes which occurred, unless w^e believe
Wodrow's unlikely story of the collision with M'Kie at a funeral.
Yet his temper was quick and fervent, and Cameron even styles
him a "brawler with words." The Narrative and his subse-
quent rejoinder shew a rude and lively energy, both of style and
argument. There is less polish than in Cameron's work ; but
to compensate for this, there is harder hitting, and a quicker
eye for popular repartee. Macmillan's life and conduct evinced
even more markedly his Scottish shrewdness. He averted more
than one disruption in the Societies by his timely concessions
or suggestions.

Sniiuning up. 217

Perhaps it was the union of two of the quahties above-
mentioned, his self-distrust and his shrewdness, which partly
bred a third and a very fine one, his tolerance. This may seem
a strong term to give to one, who was at the head of a body
which continued to denounce witchcraft and quakerism in the
same breath, and to which George Whitfield was simply a
blinded prelatist. But Macmillan from the first strove to
broaden the view of his co-religionists. He stood out for a
certain clerical communion and fellowship. He sought the
matrimonial rite from his old friend, John Reid of Carsphairn,
though this was in Cameronian eyes a black defection. He
kept session with his old elders at Balmaghie. He baptized the
children of Church people. He would not hear of church-going
being confessed as a '"sin." He gave "tokens" at Auchen-
saugh to some who occasionally " heard the ministers." He took
no part in the military operations of the Societies. His aim
seems really to have been, to live and let live, leaving time to
vindicate his testimony for the "good old ways." Like Hepburn,
he seems to have mellowed into a serene endurance and solemn
expectation. He felt that, for himself, he had done right ; but
he could not declare that everyone else had done wrong.

I doubt if Macmillan was ever much of a partisan at heart.
One fact is remarkable — he made no attempt to form a sect
in Balmaghie. When he departed, the parish quarrel died
quickly out. Although popularly called Macmillanites, the
people to whom he ministered were, as we know, the old " men
of the moss-hags." As an old Cameronian dame once expressed
it to me — " We didna join Macmillan ! It was Macmillan that
joined us." And in this she was literally correct. Again and
again, at the beginning of the controversy, he declared himself
no schismatic or separatist. He was a Church of Scotland
man, but the Church of Scotland had drifted away from him
and his like, and he was left alone. His repugnance to the oft-

p

2i8 A Cameroiiian Apostle.

repeated suggestion, that he should ordain some others as col-
leagues, came as much from his staunch Churchism as from
any theory of holy orders. It was in his old age that a Pres-
bytery at length sprang up. And he died before the idea of
separate charges had been mooted.

One marked feature of Macmillan's character was closely con-
nected with this broad and tolerant spirit. It was his ajfection-
ateness. He was a man who formed close friendships, and dearly
loved home life. The language of the Societies' "Conclusions"
is touching here. They refer to " our reverend pastor," and " our
faithful pastor." The panic which ensued, when he offered to
resign, shewed what a hold he had on their hearts. The extent
to which women figured in the commotions in Balmaghie is a
token of the attachment of his flock to his person and ministry.
The men were not behind, as we have seen. Macmillan's mar-
ried life was singularly happy. The " Elegy " is a pleasing pic-
ture of genuine love and devoted attachment. One feels how
winning a personality it must have been which gained over the
high-born daughter of Earlston for a poor country manse. The
consistent tradition is that Macmillan was very friendly and
courteous in manner.

The strain of poetry in his soul lent an additional charm to
his outward air and ways. Carefully examined, the Elegy
appears a somewhat remarkable achievement for a country
minister, and yet no reasonable doubt can be felt that it came
from INIacmillan's own pen. It reveals the qualities of kindli-
ness and tenderness which we have ventured to attribute to him,
along with a delicacy of feeling and expression which impress us
with the sense of a high-bred and cultured individuality. It
need not be a surprise, however, to find a marked development
upon the style of the True Narrative^ since nearly twenty years
had passed, and Macmillan's mind and manners had both grown
in due proportion.

Macmillan's Monument in Dalserf Churchyard.

S II mining up. 219

Altogether, one may carry away the notion of an attractive and
impressive man, fit to hold his own with the best social circles,
yet always keeping a homely flavour of his native soil and rocky
hills. And chief of all his characteristics, even by the earliest
testimony of his opponents, was his piety, a thing usually
assumed in any clergyman, but likely to be specially eminent
when thus singled out for mention. It was for his " name of
piety in the bounds," says Cameron, that the Presbytery made
haste to license and ordain him. And the name, we know, re-
presented a reality preserved during a long life. No breath has
ever passed on Macmillan's moral or professional character, save
when party spirit dictated a groundless insinuation. His death-
bed may stand beside those of distinguished Christians, for its
solemn beauty and quiet pathos. Whatever faults he may have
had (and every virtue has its own defect), he was indubitably a
"good man."

Whether he attained to be a ^' great man," or just fell
short of that coveted eminence, I shall leave others to decide.
Certainly, he took part in a great epoch of the Scottish
Church, and acquitted himself bravely and honestly. That
Church has always had a way of casting out men whom she, at
her heart, loved and honoured. Macmillan is one of these res-
pected and beloved outcasts. The Church of our day has won
much for which he contended and suffered ; and she cannot
cherish any grudge amid her gains. How much more she may
yet acquire, which he would have wished, it is impossible to say.
But in him she may claim one of her own children, bone of her
bone and flesh of her flesh ; whose chief crime (if such it be)
was that he longed to see her made perfect in a world full of
compromises, and whose chief praise must, in this respect, be
that he demanded a " spiritual independence " such as now her
best and most loyal sons are willing to defend.

Appendix of Documents, Edited from the
Oriorinal MSS. or Prints.

CONTENTS.

(i) Macmillan's "True Narrative," printed 1704.

(2) Macmillan's "Grievances," printed 1704.

(3) The Presbv^tery's "Libel," printed 1705.

(4) Macmillan's " Protestation, Declinature, and Ap-

peal," 1708.

(5) Macmillan's "Elegy on Mistress Mary Gordon," 1723.

(6) A Letter ro a Dying Friend, Oct. 26, 1741.

I.

A True Narrative of the Proceeding's of the Pres-
bytery of Kirkcudbright against one of their
number ; and that to the sentence of deposi-
tion ; to which is added the Grievances.

[Anonymous, in 1704. This reprint is from a copy in the possession of
William Macmath, Esq., F.S.A., Edinburgh. It lacks the title-page.
Above the first page is the italicized sentence — " Piesbytery is no friend to
itself in its unjust censures and sentences. ''^\

Albsit a good name is rather to be chosen than riches, yet
how difficult is it either to obtain it, or preserve it when got !
And that because of Satan's emissaries, whose tongues he em-
ploys to the disgrace of religion and the contempt of the godly ;
and that by opprobrious speeches and heart-piercing words, with
which there is a sycophanting age that is not a little acquainted.
Such, I mean, as love to carry the bell of popular applause to
fright those demons and creatures of darkness (as by them they
are judged), who would either amuse * them or yet disturb
them, in the peaceable exercise of such an occupation, as would
make them twofold more the children of wrath than what they
were.

But as it is a task insuperable for any to engage to stop the
mouths of all those who are maliciously set to cry down the
innocent and up themselves ; so I, for my part, shall never un-
dertake it, unless they will promise to meet me at that bar that
has judgment running down as waters, and righteousness as

* i.e., distract or interrupt. —Ed.

224 Appendix.

mighty streams. And there, a just cause will advocate for itself
without any interlocutor.

But this I say, with reference to those who are as busybodies,
raising and spreading reports to the keeping up of contention
and engendering strife. Yet, seeing there has been a way pathed
by the libel and sentence, for strangers and wayfaring men to
walk with slanders, and the balbutiating * words of " schismatic
and separate," it is necessary to satisfy the traveller so far, as to
represent true matter of fact ; for intentions comes f not within
the sphere and horizon oi judicii mentis discursivae, J and so can-
not be the grounds of a sentence or yet of a censure, but at the
bar of a man's own conscience. Therefore, my purpose herein
is to present the case as truly it is, without prevaricating in a
jot, so far as memory serves.

And for the better knowledge of this affair, I shall premise
some considerations, and then give answer to all the particular
grounds upon which he was sentenced. And this I do the rather
because though he had pursued after peace, yet there is no signs
of obtaining it, or yet the calumnies and aspersions to cease ;
though I believe, by this time, for what evidence he has given
both of patience and condescension, v< impartial persons might
safely construct that he loves not to be called the Son of Con-
tention, or yet Discord.

Therefore, in the first place, (i). I premise, that there is not .
one article of the libel separately, or all completely considered,
that, in the judgment of any impartial person, will bear the cen-
sure or sentence of deposition, as will afterwards appear, and
that either materially or formally. For, if we may speak as to

* i.e., stammeruig or misleading. — Ed.

+ The writer must not be charged with ignorance of grammar, where he
gives a singular verb to a plural noun. This was common enough in 1700.
— Ed. X i-t\, the judgiiicnt of tJie reflecting mind. — Ed.

§ i.e., concession. — Ed.

Appendix. 225

the formality of the Presbytery's procedure, he could never be
charged with contumacy, and summary excommunication cannot
be warranted without contumacy, or frequent relapses into the
same sin. And wherein doth summary deposition differ from
summary excommunication ? Yea, in my judgment, the sentence
of deposition ought to be as deeply considered (if not more) as
excommunication. Now, as to the summariness of this sentence,
the Presbytery had it not 48 hours under their consideration.
[And there is nought here said, but what is agreeable to the ex-
pressions of some of the members]. And, he was no panel, till
he received the libel and citation, which was but 17 days before
they passed their sentence. And, they never took it one Pres-
bytery diet to their consideration. And, of 15 ministers, there
was six absent when the sentence passed ; * so that there was
but 7 (besides Moderator and Clerk) of the whole Presbytery
present. And if the libel had been weighty, or yet the person
chargeable with contumacy, the accusers would have had more
for their vindication. But while otherwise, as shall be made
evident, what can they say in their own defence ? .

(2). That he was not (as the libel testifies) accused, nor yet
cannot, of unsoundness in the faith either as to doctrine or
otherwise, or yet of an unchristian scandalous carriage, unbe-

* The Presbytery minutes, 28, 29, 30 December, 1703, shew that three
sederunts were held. At the first, December 28, only 2 ministers, out of
the 15 competent to sit as judges, are marked absent. At the second,
December 29, from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m., 2 more are noted as having with-
drawn. At 5 p.m. same day, 2 more failed to appear. Final judgment
was therefore passed by 9 ministers. At the first sederunt, 12 elders were
present. They remained to the close of the meeting ; but next day, only 4
attended. There were also 2 ministers as correspondents from the Presby-
tery of Wigtown. The court which gave sentence consisted therefore of 11
ministers and 4 elders, out of a possible 17 ministers and 16 elders. Mac-
millan's contention is that sentence was given by a niinorily of the Presby-
tery. —Ed.

226 Appendix.

coming the ministry, or thirdly, of supine negligence towards
those amongst whom he laboured, or fourthly, of the want of a
competency of gifts and aptness to teach, suiting the abilities of
the people amongst whom he used his endeavours. All which
his auditors are obliged to say, and none of his accusers can win
beyond it and speak truth. And it is known, that the Presbytery
judged so, and expressed themselves so.

(3). Notwithstanding of what endeavours has been used
secretly, and otherwise, by self-seeking men, to alienate the
hearts of the people from him ; yet tlie design and intentions of
such were so far crushed through the goodness of God, that
there was nothing seen but amity between them and him, and
at this time nought to the contrary. As for those who can be-
tray their Master with a kiss, and say. Is it 1 7 they have their
Master to reckon with. And if they answer Him, I ought not
to condemn them.

(4). None of his accusers or others can say. What is this tiew
doctrine ivhereof thou speakest ? But on the contrary, he taught
that which has been, should be, and will be, if ever we expect
our God to dwell graciously in the midst of us, and the priests
to have the Urim and Thummim inscribed on their breastplate,
and we to have the encomium or praise that is said of Zebulun,
Blessed art thou., O Zebulun., in thy goings out, and Issachar, in
thy tents.*

(5). As such a sentence ought not to be passed on such
slender grounds, so likewise, there is this to be said, that there
is not an article of the libel, but what, by conference, privately
and in open Presbytery, with the ministers, and the probation
of witnesses to the contrary, were found false and of no weight,
and that before a sentence passed. As shall be made appear.

* Cameron accuses Macmillan here of a mistranslation. In the Authorised
Version, it is "Rejoice, Zebulun, etc.," Deut. t,^, 18.

Appendix. 227

(6). There has been no documents, nor corivincing arguments,
brought from the Word of God, to evince the equity of this
sentence, though the Presbytery's vindication, and Christian
satisfaction, required it ; notwithstanding that this was often
sought. But if what is said in the second premiss * be true (as
none can contradict it and speak truth), then all the arguments
they can produce will never prove their sentence to be just.
And an extract of the sentence could not be had till some
months passed over, and yet they would have everyone believe,
by an implicit faith, that what they have done is just.

(7). That he never taught, privately nor publicly, separation
from the doctrine and faith of the Church of Scotland, or any
part of the attained-to work of Reformation, as all that knew
can witness. Yea, the contrary was seen, that it was still towards
the purity of both doctrine, worship, discipline, and government,
that he bended ; and never, Laodicea like, to commend or allow
of a lukewarm temper. So that there is no grounds why he
should be branded with a " separate," or yet " schismatic," till
it be once proven that he hath either separated or divided from
the truth. And those who can mockingly say, that their Church
is come to nought, they would know whether they speak for
God or man. If they speak for God, it cannot be but with grief
that small beginnings are so quickly crushed. But it's no new
thing ! And if they speak for man, they should take heed, that
the vengeance of God give not them a set, that they shall not
so easily recover.

(8). That it is more than evident from the Presbytery's confession,
that the libel was not ground to found a sentence of deposition
upon, when, after it was publicly read, and he accordingly
publicly accused, they were willing to pass from all, without so
much as a public rebuke. And yet they will stand on the top

* viz., that nothing was libelled, which properly inferred deposition. — Ed.

228 Appendix.

of it now, and tell you that he was justly deposed. Now, where,
according to the fifth premiss,* they got the grounds for their
sentence, let any person judge.

(9). Albeit he is most sadly branded with lies and aspersions,
by both the libel and extract of the sentence, that he should
have uttered publicly both of the Presbytery and this National
Church, as also which he should have expressed in papers; yet,
though often sought, that justice he could not have as an extract
of these lies and aspersions. How then should he be convinced
of the truth of this, or how should such injuries be suffered to
go? This he cannot but say, That ifs 7iot /airplay to stab a
via7i behind his back.

(10). That the reason of his declining before a sentence
passed, was because he judged the Presbytery acted tyrannically
and partially, the libel not deserving such a sentence, as was
said by their own confession; and there being others f who were
as deeply engaged as he was in anything he could be charged
with. Whereby it would seem they were more set to exalt pride,
humour and passion, and make them the ruler, than that reason
and equity should take place. And that he was indiscreetly
dealt with, let the reasons in the protest and declinature ; testify,
together with what was expressed of hiin and the people, and
that by upbraiding them with perjury. So that it was not the
authority, but the exercise of the authority, which he declined.
The amendments of the libel before the Presbytery's subscrip-
tion, after that it had been several days in his custody, may dis-
cover the Presbytery's partiality, though there were no more ;
unless they can prove that the rest fell from the Grievances.
Whereas, in the libel, he is held as the only person that had

* viz., that not one article of the libel was proveil. — Ed,
t viz., Messrs. Reid and Tod. — Ed.

X i.e., the protest and declinature given in at the meeting on December
28 by Macmillan. — Ed.

Appendix. 229

offered the Grievances, and the other two blotted out. But does
not their agreement with the rest, since the sentence passed,
evince also their partiality? And yet it is known that if the
Presbytery had dealt impartially, he had been reckoned as acci-
dens, and not z.% proprhoii, which could be very well instructed,*
but hereby I am not an accuser of the Brethren.

(11). That he had neither a direct nor an indirect hand in
the people's paper,! or any way else, so far as he remembers.
And when by the Presbytery he was required if he would own
it, answered, that he would neither own it nor disown it. And
I hear none that can tell, if their paper was twice read over ;
which if it was not, his answer is not to be wire-drawn, as it is
by the Presbytery. For it was in his absence that that paper
was given in, and so far as he remembers, it was not read over
to him before they asked his judgment. To which it may be
subjoined, that whatever is not contained in the libel is so
extraneous to the grounds of a sentence, that in the judgment
of all thinking men they will be ridiculed, that makes it one.
Otherwise, a minister must suffer for all the faults of his parish-
ioners. And what a braw thing it were for the delinquent to
have his pastor in the same condemnation ! How few ministers
should there be, sometimes, to judge the rest, though innocent!

(12). That the rise and grounds of the controversy betwixt the
Presbytery, the rest, and him, was the " Grievances." As is
manifest (i) from the peace and concord that there was before
these grievances came in agitation, though it is granted that the
Oath and Bondj were that which brought the rest on foot ; (2)
from the bad treatment that was found from once the " Griev-
ances " were offered, as is evident from the first reasons of pro-

* i.e., expounded. — Ed.

t Handed in during Macniillan's absence at the meeting on December
28, and signed by 87 persons.- — Ed.

X The oath of allegiance to Queen Anne. — Ed.

230 Appendix.

test and declinature, as I suppose ;* (3) from the Synod's Act
anent those who offered the " Grievances," which Act makes it
evident, though there were no more ; (4) from the memorandum
(they will not let it be called a libel, though it had the effects of
a libel, viz., censure), j given in to the Presbytery (I shall not
say given down by the Presbytery, though none can think the
contrary) by the Synod, where, according to the Presbytery's
confession, there are some of the " Grievances " particularly
specified, for which the offerers are to be censured ; (5) from
Mr. Andrew Cameron's words, in his " Letter to the parish-
ioners," approved by many of the ministers of the Presbytery,
and I doubt not but by all, though maybe not judicially ; where
he looks upon it as a slight, in offering grievances to them,
" where," says he, " we bare with their indiscretion in that." But
how was it borne ? With meekness and patience ? Yea, the
contrary has appeared, and maybe more afterwards ; (6) from
the great pains that was taken, and the speedy despatch that
was made, to have these " Grievances " at the Commission.
But for what was it ? To have them redressed ? No, but that
the grieved might be accused as troublers of the peace of their
Israel. And that was evident, that it was not for redress, in
what one | of them said, that before he had carried them out, lie
had rather undergone censure ; (7) from the Presbytery's epilogue
subjoined to the end of their " Answers to the Grievances,"^
where they tax the persons who offered them, with separation
and division. And why ? What is the matter ? Had the
Presbytery received aught declaring a separation ? Sure, no-

* viz., that the Presbytery took no steps to redress the Grievances. — Ed.

+ This refers to a memorandum from the Synod read in Macmillan's hear-
ing on November 2, 1703 : after which the Presbytery resolved, for peace
sake, to pass all "bygone misbehaviours " of Macmillati. — Ed.

X This refers to Cameron. — Ed.

§ Read at meeting of Presbytery, August 17, 1703. — Ed.

Appendix. 231

thing at all. Now, let all these things be considered, and see
whether or not the rise of the controversy was from the " Griev-
ances." And has not their practice declared this to all be-
holders, with those that offered the " Grievances," that they were
that which displeased them ?

These things premised, I shall proceed to the articles of the
Libel, and rehearse true matter of fact ; for, as was said, inten-
tions cannot be grounds of sentence, neither is it by these that
the criminal comes to be condemned.

I. Then, as to the first four Articles of the Libel, he cannot
own them. Not that he fears them ; but First, because, as he
alleges, his words are quite perverted to another strain, as in all
conferences with the ministers he shewed, and they cannot
charge him with prevarication, from the first to the last. Secondly,
when he uttered these words (as is said in the Libel), he was
neither desired to subscribe to what he had said, as is usual in
the case of a panel, or yet interrogated first or last, if he would
adhere to them. How then should they bear faith against him ?
Thirdly, the ministers that conferred with him, November 3,
1703, concerning these Articles, found him then what he is
yet ; to whom he told his own expressions, but could not own
theirs ; who then enquired if he would pass from the informality
of what he did that day, in the which he shall have expressed
himself as in the Libel : answered that he was willing to recede
or resile from it entirely, altogether. Fourth, as was needful, he
being unclear in that matter, the Presbytery Clerk, though re-
quired before a sentence passed, never solemnly attested the
authenticness of these records. Now then, should such ex-
pressions be fixed upon him as his deed, or yet be in the articles
of a Libel, since nothing of this can be denied? And his in-
genuity" to the Presbytery in other things, whereof he was ac-

* i.e., ingeniiotisness. — Ed.

232 Appendix.

cused, leaves no room to suspect him here. And, albeit he had
expressed himself so as they say, yet no ground of a sentence,
since he had so far retracted as to disown these expressions as
his. Fifth, the Libel and Extract clashes one against another.
The Libel says he refused to give reasons ; the Extract says he
gave the Oath of Allegiance to the Queen as cumulative to
other defections. Now, here is not only a contradiction, but a
downright disingenuity, unless they had proposed to sentence
him on the Extract, and not on the Libel. For if justice had
been given, their reasons should have been in the Libel, that so
he might have all fairplay. Sixth, the Extract follows not the
Libel in order in these four articles, as it does in the rest. And
since he called them in question as his words, the Extract and
Principal herein should have been most exact. From what is
said, it is needless to set down his expressions which at that time
he uttered ; and any that pleaseth may have them afterwards.

IL As to the 5th Article, there is none of the ministers will
say, that in all their conferences with him about it, but that he
expressed himself with respect to the Constitution. And it was
told some of them so, by them that heard him. And the Libel
testifies so much by his own acknowledgments. And the law of
nations grants that a man be the interpreter of his oivn lan-
guage. So that there is no ground to censure here, and hold out
pique and prejudice. But, besides, since the Presbytery knew
that his thoughts, far less his expressions, never centred on
that, that they preached not faith and repentance, it is a down-
right censuring upon the " Grievances," as this comes in amongst
them, of going back with the Constitution to the year 1592.
And though it should be said that the Church was rightly con-
stitute then, it is answered that in gradu positivo it's granted, but
comparative it's denied. Because she attained no more after-
ward. So that the Presbytery's censuring herein clearly shews
that it was the " Grievances '' that displeased them. And they

Appendix. 233

aggravate the telling of the truth to a calumniating the whole
Church, as they say in their Extract. And who would have
thought that the Presbytery would have censured any for telling
the truth ? And though they were not ignorant of his mind
herein, as above, and that before a sentence passed ; yet, never-
theless, it is a proven article with them. I only add what the
prophet Nahum says, Chap. I., 2nd and 3rd verses — -God is Jealous,
etc. * Only this more, that because truth is spoken, therefore
it's proven that is good .; and because it's spoken therefore
the speaker should be condemned. That is not our Lord's
way, neither was it ever preached by his apostles. And the
native consequence of this Article is, that a minister for speaking
truth should be condemned, and so condemned, that he should
preach no more truth. We had need to pray that the Lord
would avert such judges, or rather such judgments. For it is a
clear truth, and a great evil too, that the Church went near a
hundred years back.

III. As to the 6th Article, which was that he kept not the
Synod's Fast — he was absent some Presbytery days, and from
two Synods. This is another of their proven articles. And
though they had reasons for all,t yet nothing less will satisfy
than deposition. But what partiality here, when others were
guilty of the same things, as well as he ; and yet they were not
deposed. But can this be an article for censure, when they had
reasons for all, before a sentence passed, as soon as he was enquired
at, as shall be made evident by and by. As to the Synod's
Fast, it was told them that he was so distressed in body upon
the Monday, that he could not prepare for the Tuesday ; second,

* Nahum I., 2-3 — "God is jealous and the Lord revengeth : the Lord
revengeth and is furious : the Lord will take vengeance on his adversaries,
and he reserveth wrath for his enemies. The Lord is slow to anger, and
great in power, and will not at all acquit the wicked. . . ." — Ed.

t i.e., excuses for all absences. — Ed.

Q

234 Appendix.

according to the Extract, he read the causes and kept a Fast
afterwards ; third, when this was judicially proven, it was
answered by a brother, that there was some of the brethren
that did not observe the day more than he, and yet was not
censured.

As to his absence from some Presbyteries, which in the
Extract are called iowx, first, it is observable that the Libel and
Extract does not charge him with a trampling upon the Presby-
tery's authority, in refusing to give reasons when sought for,
save in the first four articles, where the Libel and Extract
clashes one against another, as was shown. And ^^ first two
diets lall in with these four Articles, and so are answered
already. T/iirdiy, as to the third diet, the Presbytery knew he
was out of the bounds, and was necessarily detained upon the
Tuesday, whereof he sent them notice, though it was slighted,
as he afterwards told when enquired. Fourthly, as to the fourth
diet, though mentioned in the seventh Article, yet I shall answer
it here. The reason of his absence, for this diet, is mentioned
in the Libel ; which is, not finding satisfaction in the Presby-
tery's answers to the " Grievances," as the reply will shew. And
from this they draw their inference, that he resolves to be
resolute in separating from the Presbytery, and that he expects a
paper to come out shortly, that will warrant his so doing. All
that I shall say upon this is, that I shall not greatly wonder,
though one man that has but two eyes, draw his inferences wide,
when so many eminent lights runs so far away with theirs. That
maxim, that vis unitaforiior* never failed till now ! But that
the reader may know, that the reason given zit supra was not so
very contemptible, let this at the same time suffice, that in de-
fending the Oath of Allegiance, they grant the Magistrate a
right to dispose of ministers' benefices as he pleaseth. So that,

• " Union is strength," or, "Two heads are better than one." — Ed.

Appendix. 235

consequently, it is by the Magistrate, and not by the Word of
God, that ministers have a right to their stipends. This, their
assertion, Mr. Rutherford proves, is contrary to the Word of
God, Acts of ParHament, and General Assemblies, in a little
book entitled A Testimony to the Truth of Jesus Christ*

As to his absence from two Synods, the ministers are not
ignorant that he preached none for two Sabbaths immediately
preceding the one in April ; and for the other, the Libel tells
what is the reason of his absence, though curtly ; his being
gravelled at some harsh expressions, that were uttered at
several occasions. And though the Libel omits the expres-
sions, yet he judicially told them, which were — " There are
three gone out from us, because they were not of us \ but
they have left Christ behind ; " and — " The Devil hath
casten a circumference about, till at length he had come to
this place, where he is beginning to play his pranks in em-
ploying his emissaries." This was understood by the hearers
of them who had offered the " Grievances." And — " They
had spit on the Confession of Faith, and were of the mildew f of
hell." All which the auditors applied to them who had offered
the " Grievances." And the Libel says nought in opposition to
it, but rather in confirmation of it, while it says he reckoned
himself gravelled with what was spoken against Separatists.
Now, to what party can such expressions be applicable, but to
those who had denied the faith and turned apostates ? And
dare they say that cither the Cameronians or yet Hebronians,J
has done so ? And their auditors can witness that it was

* A Testimony to the Covenanted Work of the Reformation, by Samuel
Rutherford ; 1661. This is probably the "little book" referred to. — Ed.

t Mildew — query, milieu ? — Ed.

X Hebronians, This must be Macmillan's coinage to indicate the adherents
of Hepburn of Urr, with whom, at this lime, he had some relations. The
ordinary name was Hebrgnites. — Ed.

236 Appendix.

neither Malignants, Prelates, Papists, nor Atheists, that they
were speaking of. To whom, then, could they be applied by
those who were auditors but to the persons above said ? And
if they be such (as God forbid), they should have been deposed
wholesale, alogether !

IV. For their 7th Article, which is in part answered already,
and from his reason which he gave (as above) for that diet's
absence, they draw a subconsequerice, which is this, that it was
contrar the protest and agreement. Whereby he comes to be
sadly accused as a breaker of promises and ordination engage-
ments. Now, their eighth Article being of the same size with
the most uncharitable drawn consequences of this, which is the
weightiest thing they have to charge him with, which, if accord-
ing to what they say, is so indeed j wherefore, I shall endeavour
to satisfy the reader herein without evasions.

The 8th, as I said, is the same with the seventh, except in so
far that the eighth Article says, that he should have said to some
of his parish, that the Presbytery and he were agreed, and on
the Sabbath after, said, that for aught he could see, no such
agreement would yet be.

Now, as is promised, I shall endeavour to satisfy the reader
in the truth of this matter. Only, let it be minded (i) that the
Presbytery will not say, that he came under any sinful engage-
ments to them ; and if he did, there is no law that requires the
keeping of them : (2) that all compacts and covenants, as they
are mutual and stipulatory, binding each party conditionally to
the performance of what they have engaged — that then, and in
that case, the party-breaker frees the other, that is, the party-
observer, of what he otherwise might have sought, by virtue of
the compact that is the breaker : (3) that though a person may
precipitantly utter his thoughts at one time, which afterwards
he sees convenient to alter, yet here is no contradiction, but
only a correction. And if this should be denied, it should either

Appendix. 237

place man in a state of perfection, that he could not err ; or
then degrade him below a beast, that when he fell in the mire,
he should use no means for his own recovery. So this I take
to be his case, and that what he said, upon the Sabbath, was but
a correction of what he had before so rashly spoken. Wherein
he is rather to be commended, than disapproven. For, for his
saying that there was no agreement like to be, and censuring
therefor, is the height of tyranny, because it is a lording over
the conscience, and this most cruel — that a person shall not
have liberty to express his thoughts of what is in controversy,
without the hazard of such a sentence. For grant he had used
such an expression as " clubbing," yet it is not words but things
that, in such sentences, is chiefly to be considered. As for
example, though a man should say he will strike his neighbour,
yet is he to be punished, for his so saying, as he that is actually
guilty? But now, the substance of the expressions bears that
there had been a difference, and that it was yet like to continue.
And because he said so, therefore he is to be censured ! This
says, on the matter, that, be it right or wrong, if he jump not
with us in all things, we will depose him. What is this, but the
tying up of the conscience ? Which yet is more evident, when
all that they have done must be acknowledged as just, or then,
they will tell you, they cannot in conscience join with him, or
yet recommend him to others to be joined with. And if he
speak, when required, in opposition to this, they will protest
against him. I know not if it was ever so in any criminal court,
that the panelled might not give answers to what he was interro-
gated upon, without being protested against. Yet it was so
with him. All that I shall say of this is, that these sort of
mercies are cruel. But right or wrong, let every one judge.

But then, as to these agreements which they speak of the
breach of, whereby to the people he is rendered so odious, that
the ministers (as they say) tells them, that he is not to be be-

238 Appendix.

lieved the word he speaks, which is a most heavy charge ; yet I
hope, as shall be made manifest, that is a most gross reflection.
Therefore, I shall, for the reader's satisfaction, set down the
agreements first and last, which were communed publicly be-
fore a sentence passed. And in the protest and declinature, his
reasons are set down for speaking, as the Presbytery says, con-
trar the agreement, although his reasons were never sought by
the Presbytery ; and as themselves know, that when they made
enquiry into his words, yet never into the causes, which ought
to have been as well as the other, or then they could not be
reckoned just in their judgment. Then secondly, I shall set
down what he has to say for his own vindication. And from
all, let it be judged, whether or not people has grounds so to
accuse him.

Then, as for that which the Presbytery speaks of, August 13,
1703, it is as follows : —

" This ojtr Protestation, being for the exoneration of 02ir
consciences, is not to be interpreted a separation from the
Church of Scotland, but to have these our Grievatices re-
dressed in an orderly way. And hereby, we agree to concur
in our capacity for redress of the same ; and in other
duties according to the Word of God and Covenanted
Work of Refortnation.^^

This is all, as to this time, which was subscribed by all the
three.

The other agreement, which they speak of, was November 3,
1703, which is. That he was 7cnlling to recede or resile from 7vhat
he did the first day alone ; and e7iter in with Messrs. Reid and
Tod at the Presbytery at Kelts, where the " Grievances'^ ivere
offered, and adhere to the Protestation as above ; which was all he
would engage to. Whereupon, after that it was communed in
open Presbytery, he was dismissed for a considerable space.

Appendix. 239

And after he was called in, there was a paper read to him,
shewing that he had passed from all that he did the first day,
and ever since. To which he replied, that that was to pass from
the " Grievances " entirely. Whereupon he sat down, after that
he had told them he would add here no more than what he had
already said. Upon which, he was inquired, if he owned his
ordination engagements. Answered, that he did ; for he knew
no sinful engagements that ever he came under., and if he did he
disowned them. To this there was no subscribing.* Now, this
is all that the ministers and others has to charge him with, as a
person most dissolute and loose.

Now, in the next place, let us hear what he has to say for
himself. Then, in the ist place, it is to be remembered that
they could not charge him with a breach of the Protest, till this
last agreement, which they spoke of, was made ; as is evident
from their records, and from his being with them at prayers and
privy censures the day before this agreement. 2nd. That the
rise of that agreement, November 3, 1703, was not from the
breach of the Protest, as is evident from his joining with them
as above. 3rd. The occasion, then, of this agreement was that
the Presbytery looked not upon that part of the Protest, as
above, a sufficient enough tie upon the protesters, as is evident
from what is said ; there being no breach of it on his part, he
being every day with the Presbytery that they met, till this new-
agreement they speak of. 4th. The Presbytery themselves
loosed him from the obligation of the Protest ; and that, first,
by their seeking, from Presbytery to Presbytery, new terms of
agreement, which was superfluous if they had looked upon th£
Protest as sufficient ; secondly, by their saying, in open Presby-
tery, that the " Wild Folk," as they term them, would say that
they would not separate from the Church of Scotland. Now,

* i.e., no signatures were adhibited to these statements. — Ed.

240 Appendix.

whatever ground they had, from other expressions, for saying so ;
yet it gives no ground to quarrel at that part of the Protest which
they once accepted of, because this is not a quarrelling at a
breach on the protester's part, but a quarrelling with themselves
that had accepted of such terms of agreement. Now, how can
they charge him with the breach of this agreement ? It is most
ridiculous, considering what is said, unless that they look upon
the " Wild Folk's Church " and theirs as all one. And that can-
not be, because themselves makes the distinction, in saying the
" Wild Folk " would say as much, and yet not reckon themselves
to own their Church ; which is fairly in it. So consider how
little ground they have here.

Then, as to the other agreement, November 3, 1703, as above,
First, it is to be remembered that the ground of the breach of
this agreement was taken from his saying that there was no
agreement like to be, though it was expected. Second, the Pres-
bytery never enquired into the reasons why he so spake (as was
said), though they had a considerable time to do so before the
sentence was passed. For though he set them down in the
Protest, yet they were never sought by the Presbytery. Third,
that after they had read to pass from all he did tlie first day and
ever since, that he replied (as above); that it was a passing from
the " Grievances,'" and these terms he would not adhere to.
Fourtli, that new emergencies arising from the Presbytery's part
(as shall appear) destructive of the agreement will never, in the
judgment of any, involve him in the breach thereof. Though
they should say that he knew of those things before, yet he may
safely say that he had them not under serious consideration till
afterwards. And yet he opposed such terms in the meantime,
as he alleged them destructive of the " Grievances," and ac-
quiesced to what he had formerly said, and judged that there-
with they had been satisfied. Fifth, they could not rightly
charge him with the breach of this agreement till once they had

Appendix. 24 1

known the causes. For, albeit that agreement had been under
an oath, he might warrantably have spoken all that he said, and
holden by it, till a better understanding had been of the matter,
and whether or not such measures as they took was destructive
of that which had been in debate, to wit the " Grievances," and
by him it is judged yet to be so, and then was also. So that the
grounds for his saying that he judged there could be no agree-
ment yet were (i) the Libel, or call it Memorandum, given
by the Synod to the Presbytery, containing several things con-
cerning those who had offered the " Grievances," for which they
are to be censured, and that for speaking publicly against the
" Grievances," as particularly the Oath of Allegiance.

Now that it was the " Grievances " that offended them, it is
yet more clear if we consider (i) that he was with the Presbytery
in prayers and privy censures, where they had nothing more to
charge him with, than any of the Presbytery ; (2) the present
moderator declared this, only with the exception of the " old
business"; (3) they had the Act in custody, in the meantime,
that allowed the Presbytery that if these three who offered the
" Grievances " did not answer the Presbytery satisfyingly, both
as to doctrine and practice, that they should call for assistance
from neighbouring Presbyteries, or then a Synod pro re nata, or
then a Committee of the Commission of the Kirk, and judge as
they saw cause : and this was another reason for his so speak-
ing. Which Act was given down by the Synod ; (4) that when he
was appointed to intimate a Visitation, he was no panel, having
neither a libel nor under citation ; (5) that when he objected to
the correspondents being present at an orderly Visitation, it was
answered by the Presbytery that they walked conform to the
Synod's Act as above. A third reason for his speaking so was
another Act, which seeks the renewing the National Covenant
without the Solemn League ; the evil of which is held forth in
the Protest.

242 Appendix.

There was an impracticable and unprecedented method, by
way of censure, taken with one of those who offered the " Griev-
ances," as if a person were to give satisfaction in another con-
gregation than where the scandal was committed.

The Act for calling assistance from neighbouring Presbyteries
has in it that either these three were contumacious to the Pres-
bytery both as to doctrine or practice (which cannot be) ; or
that it was merely upon the account of the " Grievances." There
will no person get a third. *

Now, from what is said, how can he be accused of the breach
of this agreement ? Who sees not that there was grounds sufifi-
cient for all that he said ? And till the Presbytery declare and
shew the contrary, both as to such Acts and their practice with
him, he has just ground to challenge them with the breach of
this agreement, and that to an egregious height, unless that they
judged he had passed from the " Grievances," and look upon it
as his sin for offering them.

So, reader, thou may see that there is not the least shadow to
challenge him as they do. But how perform they their part,
which they promised at the Assembly ? What was redressed
there that was wrong ? The breach of this engagement is not
noticed ! I shall only add that truth has a time fixed and set,
and innocency also, when they shall get up the head in despite
of malice, violence, and oppression. And to conclude, if jus-
tice and truth might plead for themselves, there would be no
grounds for a sentence, or yet for calumnies and aspersions.
But I proceed.

V. For the 9th, loth, nth, and 12th, as they were referred
to the probation of witnesses, [and] were, when tried, found
false, as the Extract proves ; yet they will have 9 and 11 proven,
the one substantially, the other eventually. As to the Ninth,

* i.e., alternative. — Ed.

Appendix. 243

they prove it as to the substance. But how can this be ? For
the witnesses denied, that ever they heard such expressions as
are in the Libel ; and he never confessed them.

But what is the crime? That after he had said there was no
agreement yet like to be, that though they should all leave him,
he resolved to stand where he was for a season. His reasons
for so saying are as above, for it was all at one time spoken.
Now, what is their inference from this ? It is, that he accuseth
the ministers for not standing to the truth ; to which I would
answer, that, if the Presbytery accuse themselves, he ought not
therefore to be condemned. For since he had not such ex-
pressions, the world cannot prove them to be his, unless by the
subornation of false witnesses.

It would seem, that when this sentence passed. Justice her
handmaid Mercy had been like Baal's God — not within cry !
Otherwise, she would have said, Why smitest thou thy felloiv-
servant ? Or then, Why sittest thou to judge according to latv,
and cotnmandest to smite contrary to law ?

As to the Eleventh, they prove it eventually, this is, neither
physically nor morally, and so no probation ; no more nor a
judge accusing a parent of homicide proves him to be guilty,
because his child testifies to the judge that he will own the re-
lation of a child to a parent, accuse as he will, and that because
he is not convinced of anything to the contrary. And the same
way, this article is proven. For, because his people would
adhere to him, though they * accused him, till they saw grounds
for their doing otherwise; or, which is almost the same, because
his people condemns him not; therefore, by their law, he is
guilty — an odd sort of probation, I must confess.

As for the people's paper, it is answered on the 7th premiss.
And because they make it the fourth ground of his sentence, I

* i.e., the Presbytery. — Ed,

244 Appendix.

shall only add a passage further of a minister, not far from the
bounds, who when delated for drunkenness (and, as is alleged,
guilty), his exculpators is ready to swear he was not guilty, and
the minister always denies the act. Now, I ask these judges,
guilty or not guilty ? Guilty, he cannot be, because he denies,
and his exculpators swear it. No ! says the judge here; guilty
he is, because they both deny it ; for there s a compact bettvixt
them / Then, I answer, that according to this law, he got not
justice when he was not deposed. Now, consider what sort of
ground this is for a censure. For, according to our laws, it is
held as a maxim, that licet ciiilibet protestare vel snpplicare, *
without censure. But this is more strange, that he should be
censured for a protest of theirs !

VI. For the 13th article, it is, as they say, proven. But how
is it proven? No otherwise than by a suspense of the judgment.
And any that has common sense may see it is no more. And
yet, with them, it is proven, for which, as they say, he is to be
censured.

If it had been a delation against him, though neither confessed
nor proven, yet it would have had some weight by f what it has
here, though they had said it was proven because it was a delation.
For then, they might have said, he was delated, therefore proven.
But it is not a delation, but an interrogation, as — " Will ye bide
by what you said in public, contrar the agreement?" [The 7th
and 8th articles tell of this.] Answered, he was not ripe to
tell his judgment yet. " Will ye subscribe to exercise your
ministry orderly ? " Answered, he would give no answer that
night. Therefore, by them, this article is proven ! And not
only so, but he calumniates the whole Church ! [See for this,
Extract, page 14].

* " Any man may protest or petition to a court." — Ed.
t Compared with. — Ed.

Appendix. 245

Now, may it not be said, that "Truth is fallen in the streets
and Equity cannot enter," when such articles are made the
grounds of a sentence ; and not only so, but when such ground-
less calumnies and aspersions passes up and down current for
truth? It's just as if a man should say to his neighbour, "Sir,
will you be drunk to-morrow?"

" I will not tell you ! "

" Will you go to the Church and worship God on the Sab-
bath ? "

" I will not tell you at this time."

" O," says his neighbour ; " this man is a drunkard, an
atheist, and a Sabbath-breaker ! "

Ask the man how he knows that ?

" Very well ! " says he; "for, when I enquired if he would
drink drunk the morrow and observe the Sabbath, he would not
tell me ! Therefore, he is both a drunkard, a breaker of the
Sabbath, and an atheist ! "

The application is easy.

But how find they out that he calumniates the whole Church ?
That I cannot see. It was a loss that such persons had not
been sent on the search of Daedalus his clue, for I think they
would soon have found it out! But let it be remembered for
the future, that what lies and calumnies are casten upon his
name by any, he will hold them as calumniators of the brethren
till they make them out, and must challenge them as emissaries
sent out on purpose by the Accuser of the brethren, to work him
service. If any have aught to lay to his charge, they would
take Christ's way with it, in telling of it first to himself, and not
behind his back ; for by this way there is no possibility to get
himself defended. Therefore, before any accuse him, first
acquaint himself, and then, if he had nought to answer, blaze it
abroad.

So much for the Libel. Now, what grounds can there be

246 Appendix.

gathered from it worthy of censure or deposition ; or by virtue
of what law can they deprive him of his kirk ? They say that
there is an Act of the General Assembly that no deposed
minister should return to the place in which he served when his
sentence passed. To this I say, that there is no Act can be
produced that can warrant the Presbytery in their procedure.
And so, he ought not to be looked upon as one legally put from
his charge. And therefore, the Act is of no force against him.
Secondly, this Church hath no such Act declaring that a
minister deposed cannot be reponed to the same place. And
other Acts of Assemblies, till once they be by this Church
attested as authentic and faithful records, cannot be put in
execution against him. Ergo, thirdly, That Act was made
against such as were compliers with malignants, as is clear from
Act, Ass. 48, 441. But so it is, that this* cannot be laid to his
charge. Ergo, that Act excludes all partiality in such like cases.
But if he were not reponed to the same, instead of following of
the Act, they would walk directly contrar to it in reponing
others that were otherwise chargeable of such things as could
never be imputed to him, and enemies to our religion besides.
But some may say that they would rather live beside a lax Epis-
copalian than a bigot Presbyterian. Answer — I have no reason
for this if it were not for a cloik to laziness, and to have them-
selves commended as somebody.

But now I shall proceed to examine the rest of the grounds
for their sentence, though (as was said) what is extraneous to the
Libel can in no judicatory be the grounds of a sentence. For a
man, if justice be observed, must have a libel, that he may know
what to answer when accused. For it is not the process the
judge draws up after the sentence is passed, that the criminal is
to be condemned by (for that is Jedburgh Law !), but that which

* i.e., "malignancy" under the Act. — Ed.

Appendix. 247

he receives before a sentence. And if this method had been
observed with him I cannot see how they could have drawn up
twelve sheets of a process in twenty-four hours' space, as they
say they have. Yea, which is more, I dare appeal to the Pres-
bytery if they had a quarter of a sheet of a process before the
Libel was drawn up. And he was never under process till he
received it. And that sheet of a Libel might have been com-
prehended in the eighth part of it if they had pleased, and to as
good purpose as it was. What way, then, it is risen to twelve
sheets, might be to any wise man another Oedipus his riddle.
Such bugbears may fright ignorant persons that know not the
matter, but no judicious person will be much annoyed thereat.
And I think strange what confidence such can pretend to, con-
sidering the emptiness of the grounds for a sentence, that says to
persons they might as well hear Gibb*, if he is alive, who burnt
the Bible, and that hef is going to hell and taking the congre-
gation with him ; and he is not to be believed in a word he
speaks, which on the matter is, that he is worse than an infidel,
Turk, or barbarian. But it is not to be thought that wise folk
speaks this, far less ministers. And so they are but some
night-dreamers that fancies such things. Yet no doubt the re-
port of such fancies and figments makes him full of tossings to
and fro till the dawning, etc. J

But then, as to the third ground for the sentence (for two
are mentioned already — the Libel, as you have heard, and the
People's Paper), it is this. That he went in to preach before a
quorum of ?niiiisters came to the kirk., whereby they deem that he
evinced misregard to the Presbytery. If we shall consider a little,
we shall see what a gin they set for him here, so that go what
way he will, they have him entangled, and they may draw the
net any way they please to their own advantage.

* The notorious fanatic of that name. — Ed. t Scil., Macmillan. — Ed.
X A reference to Macmillan's anxiety under these reports. — Ed.

248 Appendix.

First, then, when he was appointed to intimate the Visitation
and preach, he was no panel, being neither under process nor
yet citation. For he had received no Libel. According to this
appointment, if he had not preached, they might have said he
misregarded the Presbytery. After this appointment he received
a summons and a Libel to answer such a day, but no appoint-
ment to preach. Now he is in the room of a panel, and if he
preaches they may reckon him a misregarder of the Presbytery,
because he had not received their warrant, in this circumstance,
to preach. So now, what way he will, they may catch him. Yet
he both intimated the visitation and preached, and it is pro-
bable that there was more than a quorum before he preached
any. For he left two within,* and there was one without, and
several more within a musket-shot before he entered the kirk-
door, and before he preached any they were generally convened.
But thirdly, there was nought like a Visitation observed, either
with the people, or yet with him. For they were never inquired
at, how they pleased either his doctrine or walk, and if he was
diligent in his pastoral duties ; neither did they inquire at
him, how he pleased t the people. vSo, since the Visitation was
not called for by the parishioners, considering what is said, it
was but only one pretended. And this shews yet more that it
was the "Grievances" they wrought upon. If he had been a
malignant, or yet a pielatic, it is probable they had advised
better. And yet such a distance they keep from him, that if
they have rashly called him brother, they will quickly cry /^r-
cavi ! They have committed a horrid crime, and they must
have pardon !

The fourth ground for their sentence is, that he refused a
very reasonable and Christian accommodation, very condes-
cending, and according to the principles of this Church, and

* i.e., the manse. — EJ. f i.e., were pleased with. — Ed.

Appendix. 249

former agreement, November 3, 1703 (as above). Answer —
Thnt this was according to that November 3 is a downright
mistake, not to say worse of it. For in that there was a promise
on the Presbytery's part to concur for a redress of the " Griev-
ances," in that there was none but to pass from the Libel. And
yet all the redress that's gotten is only dressing* of them that
offered them ! At that, there was no Libel ; at this, there was.
At that, he was not publicly accused ; at this he is. At that
the accommodation was acceptable till the deceit was found
out; at this, it was never, as shall appear shortly and upon good
grounds.

First then, this Christian accommodation which they speak
of, was before they entered with the parishioners on the pro-
bation of the Libel as it was. So, the Presbytery sought a
subjection to that which, on probation, was found false. And
so [it is] no Christian accommodation to subject f to lies. For
there was no exception in this accommodation, as to the Libel
when found true or false, that then they would accommodate.
Secondly, it is probable,^ that he sought oftener than once, that
the witnesses might be called and the Libel proven ; which gave
no ground to say, that he refused to be under their correction.
Thirdly, the Presbytery cannot say, that he refused to subject
to their admonition when proven ; and that was the cause, as
many can attest, why he refused that paper of agreement, be-
cause, after he was publicly accused, the Libel being publicly
read, and he before cited to appear, they were willing, upon his
subscription to be under their direction, to leave him neither
condemned nor vindicated. This was yet more clear from what
one of them said. Says he, " Subscribe that, and then we have
done." Now where was the Visitation then ? So hereby, the

* Verbal chastisement. — Ed. t To submit. — Ed.

J Probable=capable of proof. — Ed.

R

250 Appendix.

accommodation was most unchristian, for there was no brotherly
love in it, to leave him hanging like a herring in the net. And
for them to make their own fault his punishment, and a ground
of his sentence, is most unjust. For, to put the best side of this
agreement, either, yf/-^/, they saw nought in the Libel worthy of
a rebuke, which I think may be safely yielded, considering what
is said ; or, then, which is worse, that communion with them on
any terms was acceptable enough, and might be so to the con-
gregation. Now, how should this be the grounds of a sentence,
when he would have these reproaches wiped off, before he
accepted of the accommodation ? Will any condemn him
herein, because he affected that which was best, and say that,
therefore, he should be sentenced? And sure, it cannot be
thought that rational men will do it, unless they be dreaming.

The fifth ground for their sentence was his protest and paper
which he gave in, which, they say, is stuffed with falsehoods,
and gross aspersions on both Presbytery, Synod, and National
Church. This is weighty indeed if it be proved. But how
prove they it ? It is thus, as if a man should write to another
his mind of the affairs of the country, and according to the best
information he had, write nothing but truth. The man that re-
ceives this accuseth the other of high treason, and without ever
acquainting him further, sentenced him to death by the law.
The man knows nought of this till his neighbour acquaints him
that he is sentenced. He enquires, for what ? They answer,
for what he wrote to his neiglibour. The man cannot correct
himself, for the sentence is passed. But, he says, there is no
justice in the case. Now just so is the matter with him, so that
his paper cannot be the ground of a sentence. For he may as
boldly aver that it is stuffed with truths as they that say it is
stuffed with lies, till once he be convicted cf them. For to
this hour, they have never given him yet a discovery of these
lies. But that he may neither lie under such a calumny, or yet

Appendix. 251

seem to decline that which he knew to be truth, he yet again
desires to be informed what these lies and aspersions are. And
if that be denied, he cannot but believe that they are all truths.
And, on the other hand, he is so far persuaded of the truth of
things contained in this paper of his, that he rejoices in the
making of it the grounds of a sentence. And he is convinced
that there is not a downright nor yet designed lie in it all upon
the matter. There may be some words misplaced, or left out,
that should be in ; but that spoils not matter of fact.

Now, these being the grounds of the Presbytery's sentence,
according to their own confession, any may see what weight
they bear, and whether or not one orderly tried, called, and
settled in the ministry, can be justly sentenced upon the grounds
above-mentioned. For (without glorying he speaks it), besides
his orderly call and admission to the ministry, he has, in the
time of his exercise of it hitherto, so exercised himself (though
through many infirmities and like unto some other men), as to
have alway a conscience void of offence towards God and man ;
as also, in some measure, to follow the Apostle's rule, at least
to endeavour it, i Tim., iii. 2-10; Titus, i. 6-9; that so, the
ministry might not be blamed. And he is bold in his God to
charge his accusers to challenge him with the contrary, and say
that, according to the apostle's rules, negatively considered, and
conscientiously applied, he was sentenced. How then should
such sentences be looked upon as binding? Because every
such sentence, that is reckoned as binding, must be founded
and bottomed upon the Word of God ; that is, there must be
such sins committed as the Word of God forbids, such duties
slighted and neglected as the Word requires, such an unfitness
for the office as that he is unfit to teach ; * and lastly, such

* Mr. Trail says {MornUig Exercise, Sermon 9th), that " it is hard to de-
termine this competent fitness, for necessities of the Church may extend or
intend this matter. But in general, there must be (i) a competent know-

252 Appendix-.

pains taken for his reclaiming, wherein he is wrong, as the "Word
of God enjoins. For a man must not be reckoned an offender
for a word. It is after the second and third admonition that an
heretic is to be rejected (Titus iii.)

Now to the bar of God's Word, the infallible rule, and to the
rules therein laid down, he challenges all those that hold the
sentence to be just, that from that Word they condemn him,
before they hold him guilty. For it is not Church censures or
sentences that condemns, binds, or absolves, but the Word.
And the Church, herein, can do nought but, declaratively from
the Word, declare the person absolved or bound. And in this,
the current of all sound divines agrees, whereof several might be
instanced, but passing others, see Turretine, Vol. III., de Potestaie
Ecdesiasiica, page 320-322. And as it is otherwise, their sentence
is not to be obeyed. Hence, the apostle argues, " whether it be
better to obey God than man, judge ye." For, as there are
rules laid down in the Word, whereby a minister is to be examined,
tried, and proven, before he can enter the ministry ; so, likewise,
there are rules laid down in the Word, by which he is to be ex-
amined, tried, and proven, before he can justly be thrust from
the ministry. Otherwise, their sentence is void and null of
itself.* And so we argue against the Papists, that says, the

ledge of Gospel mysteries : (2) a competent ability of utterance to the edify-
ing of others." And this is aptness to teach, which the apostle requires, i
Tim. iii. 2, This is one mark that Jesus has sent him, or at least this may
satisfy the man's conscience. There is other three he mentions, as "(i)
When a man singly designs the great end of the ministry, God's glory, and
Man's salvation : (2) a conscientious diligence in all the means of attaining
fitness for this work : (3) the savour of a man's ministry on the hearts and
consciences of others. For a single testimony, given by ministers and Chris-
tians, that the Word dispensed by the man is savoury, and hath effect on
the conscience, is a great confirmation that he is sent by Christ." Thus far
he.

* Whatever be objected here as to schism, unless they prove the 7th pre-
miss to be false, it's not worth a fig.

Appendix. 253

sentences of their Councils are absolute. Which is denied, that
they are any otherwise absolute, and so nowise binding, but as
they agree to the Word of God. And though they object
Matt, xviii. 17 (If he hear not the Churchy etc.) ; yet it is denied,
that this place will prove the Councils' absolute power. For
Maccovius says, upon the place, that the words are not simply
to be understood of all things (page 232, Quaestio decima). But
the meaning, says he, is — if he hear not the Church, scilicet, in
that which is manifest and clear from God's Word, then etc.
Haec iunt ejus verba : — " Sed si non audierit, scil. in re 7nani-
festd et clara ex lege Dei.'' And he adds, " agit ibi Christus de
offensis privatorum^ tiihil aiitein de dogmatibus fidei et tnorum."
And so, the orthodox holds, that there is no sentence binding
upon the conscience, but what is founded upon the Word. And
if it were not so, the Word of God should not only be inverted,
but perverted and wrested, because it should not be said that
the Church is builded upon the foundation of the prophets and
apostles, but the prophets and apostles builded upon the founda-
tion of the Church. If it should be objected, who is to be judge
of such sentences as the Church may pass, whether right or
wrong? Answer — neither Pope nor Council, but the Word.
" To the Law and the Testimony ; and if they speak and act
not according to these, let them not be heard ! " And whither
but to tltis judge Peter and John appealed, when deposed by
the chief priests, sua more ? And to the same judge, doubtless,
they appealed, who looked not upon their deposition to be
valid. When, but by a controverted Assembly ? *

What ground is there to look on the deposition of a Presby-
tery to be valid, when upon unjust grounds, and so rashly pro-
ceeded in, that they waited not on Presbytery diet for advice,
albeit of five parts there was not three present. Look back to

* See for this Apologetical Relation, page 311, par. 4. -

254 Appendix.

the first premiss, so that any may see they have walked infor-
mally, rashly, and unwarrantably in their procedure, which is
not a little manifest from the non-observance of the Acts ot the
Church, though there were no more ; where there was nothing
like a following the instructions laid down by the Assemblies,
even with respect to the Presbytery's form of procedure, as can
be proven. For, Assenib. i6go, Act 75, Itisfruction 7, it is there
statute, that the Commission proceed in matter of censure very
deliberately, and this with the late conformists ; so that none
may have just cause to complain of their rigidity ; and that they
shall not proceed to censure but upon relevant libels and suffi-
cient probation. And, Ass. 16^4, Act II., they say that " if any
ministers within the bounds of the Church, of what persuasion
so ever, shall be accused or informed against of any scandal,
error, supine negligence, or insufficiency ; then the said Com^
mission shall make inquiry thereinto, cite parties, lead witnesses,
take depositions, and do any other thing that may clear matter
of fact against them ; and report the same, and their diligence
therein, to the next General Assembly." Now, will a Presby-
tery be wise above an Assembly in this ? Or may they follow
any other order in their procedure with one of their members ?
And if not, then their procedure with him is most unaccount-
able ; where there was none of these things, as above, could be
laid to his charge, nor yet this form of procedure followed. And
see Ass. idgy, Act 16, Instruction ij.

And, albeit he himself should say (which I am confident he
never will), that the sentence was just ; yet it is not a whit the
juster, unless it be so by the Word of God. And. Poole s Annot.,
Matt. xvi. 19, says that " Christ binds not himself to confirm the
erroneous actions of men, either as to excommunications or ab-
solutions." And the Dutch Annotatiotis say, upon the same
place, that " ministers' sentences are no otherwise valid than ac-
cording to God's command." So, Aaron's Rod Blossoming, pag.

Appendix. 255

331, taken out of the- Confession of Helvetia, says — " If the
minister dealt not in all things as his Lord hath commanded
him, but pass the limits and bounds of faith, then the Lord doth
make void that which he doeth." And Poole's A?inof. on Matt,
xviii. 18, says — " If therefore any be cast out of any Church for
professing or standing to any truth of the Gospel, or because he
will not do what is sinful, we must not understand them bound
in heaven, though they be bound on earth." Nor have any such
excommunications any terror in them. How forcible are right
words ! But these arguings, what do they reprove ? The
Church is not, by this text, made infallible, nor is the Holy God
by it engaged to defend their errors. And Poole on Lev., chap,
xxvii., ver. 13-14, says — " For if the priest determined most un-
righteously and unreasonably, as suppose an hundred times
more than the value of it, I suppose no man is so void of sense
as to say they were all bound to stand to the priest's determina-
tion in that case. Even as in case a man's leprosy were no-
torious and unquestionable, if the priest should thro' partiality
pronounce him clean, this did not make him clean. And there-
fore all these passages of Scripture, which leave things to, and
command men to acquiesce in, the determination of the priest
or priests, are to be understood with this exception, that their
determination be not evidently contrar to the revealed will of
God, to which priests are subject and accountable. Otherwise,
if the priests had commanded men to profane the Sabbath day,
this would have acquitted them from the obligation of God's
command of keeping it holy; which are impious and absurd to
affirm." And the Harmony of Confessions, page 15, of the Con-
fession of Helvetia, says — " Wherefore, seeing that the doctrine
of the prophets and apostles is confirmed of God, the sentence
of no man, nor of any assembly of men, is to be received simply,
without trial, for the oracle of the Holy Ghost;' but it is to be
laid to the rule of the prophets and apostles' doctrine, that that

2^6 Appe^idix.

which agreeth therewith may be acknowledged, and that which
is contrary thereunto may be confuted." And the same book,
page 256, of the English Confession, says — " And touching the
keys, wherein they may either shut or open the kingdom of
heaven, we say with Chrysostomus, that they are the knowledge
of the Scriptures ; with Tertullian, we say, they be the interpre-
tation of the law ; and with Eusebius, we call them the Word of
God." And page 260, of the Confession of Augsburg — "But
whenas they teach or determine anything contrary to the Gospel,
then have the Churches a commandment of God which forbid-
deth obedience to them. Mat., vii., 'beware of false prophets.'
' And if an angel from heaven should preach any other Gospel,'
Gal. i." And Mr. Durham says. Revel* page 62, that IMessrs.
Cotton, Norton, and Hooker, acknowledge that casting out of a
Church is but to proceed upon clear scandals of a gross nature,
convincingly made out, and not otherwise. How then, a fortiori,
may an argument be formed in his defence, in not subjecting to
such a sentence, where none of the above-mentioned things can
be made the grounds of the sentence ! And what an argument
is it against them who proceeded without such clear and manifest
grounds ! And how they will answer it, I know not.

If any should say that this is not applicable to his case, be-
cause this casting out was from all Church privileges : answer,
it is the same with him qua minister, though with respect to the
unjustness of the grounds, it amounts to no more than what it
did to the poor man that was casten out of the synagogue, whom
Christ did receive. And Turretine, Vol. HI., page 324, De
Poiestate Ecclesiastica says — " Albeit that pastors have not a
nomothetic power properly so called, or a power of making laws
that can bind the conscience \ nevertheless, they have a power

* A Conuiieniary ttpon the Book of Revelation. Amsterdam, 1660; Lon-
don, 1680. — Ed.

Appendix. 257

of making Canons and Ecclesiastical Constitutions, for better
order and decency. Which Constitutions, albeit they are to be
observed for the conservation of good order, nevertheless they
bind not but upon the account of scandal and contumacy."
And does not our Confession of Faith say, chap. 31, par. 3, that
" The decrees and determinations of Synods and Councils, if
consonant to the Word of God, are to be received with rever-
ence and submission." * So that it is clear that the Word is
always the judge. And if it were not so, our faith should stand
in the wisdom of man, contrar i Cor., ii. 5. And not only so,
but man should have dominion over our faith, opposite to 2
Cor., i. 24. Hence, the Confession says, in the same fore-cited
place, that " Synods or Councils are not to be made the rule of
faith or practice." And if it were not so, how could we obey
that precept, i. Thess., v. 21 — " Prove all things ; hold fast that
which is good ; " or yet follow the practice of the Bereans, Acts,
xiv. II, who were commended for their searching the Scriptures
daily, " whether these things were so ? " And if the Bereans
might do so, and [be] commended for it, after they had heard a
Paul preach, how much more warrantably may we do it after
the Act of a Presbytery, or yet of a General Assembly ! So,
they which either teach the doctrine, or such as embrace it,
to wit, to believe because the Church has said or done it — they
are in a dangerous case. And if there were any pastor that
should say, " because the Church hath ratified such a sentence,
therefore it is to be obeyed," such ought not to be a minister
out of Rome ; for it is their doctrine. And it is to be feared
that many hearers hath drunk in not a little of this poison, that
because the Church hath done it, therefore it is enough !

* Macmillan, however, does not finish his quotation. The Confession
adds — " Not only for their agreement with the Word, hut also for the po^ver
whereby they are made, as being an ordinance of God, appointed thereunto in
his Word."— Ed.

258 Appendix.

Though I be not to degrade from the Church that reverence
that is due unto her, or yet to have her just decrees slighted or
misregarded, yet I would have all persons follow the Bereans'
practice. And none that is orthodox in the faith will win beyond
this.

And have we not had precedents in the Church of Scotland
that unjust sentences are not to be obeyed ? whereof several
instances might be given. And what is more confirmatory of
this, than what is said in the nullity of the pretended Assembly
at St. Andrews and Dundee, page 5, where they say (this was in
the year 1651)* — "We protest, that whatsomever Acts, Ratifi-
cations, Declarations, Sentences, Censures or Commissions, that
shall be made or given out by them, be null and void," etc. So
now, quod convenit mullis, convenit uni eodem genere et specie.
And is there not so much declared by this Church, Ass. 1690,
that unjust sentences was not binding where, Act 13, they declare
all sentences past against any ministers by any Church judicatory
upon the account of the differences among Presbyterians from
the year 1650 till the re-introduction of Prelacy, to be of them-
selves void and null ? Now, when it is declared by an Assem-
bly that a deposition, though passed by an Assembly (as their
Act will bear), is void and null of itself when passed upon the
account of differences ; how then can the Presbytery stand upon
the head of their unjust sentence, when upon the same account
and topf with their own Acts ? This is most unaccountable.
And the judgment of the Assembly in this is most evident, that
in matters that are controverted no such sentence is valid in
itself. And that sentence, which is so, is never binding. And
the Assembly declaring it to be so will never make it otherwise,
to wit, to have been binding. Now, consider what is said.

* The quotation is from the Protestation made by the Anti-Resolutioners,
whose leader was James Guthrie of Stirling, executed June i, 1661. — Ed.
t Query— /<?/zV.?— Ed.

Appendix. 259

What way will they defend themselves that say a sentence,
though unjust, should be obeyed % If the thing be considered
qua tale, as really unjust, and striking at the overturning of a
direct precept, by setting such a block in the way as that of an
unjust sentence, to the hindering of the person from giving
obedience to such a command (as by ofifice he is required to do),
as that of a minister's being " instant in season and out of sea-
son " (all physical and moral impediments removed) in this
case, I cannot see how such sentences, either of suspension or
yet of deposition, should be obeyed. And albeit the spirit of
the prophets is to be subject to the prophets, it is always in
things lawful, and in the Lord ; otherwise, the subjection should
be illimited. And so the fifth Command is to be understood,
with respect to the subjection that is due to superiors by in-
feriors, that it is in things lawful, and " in the Lord " (Eph. vi. i).
In the next place, I inquire whether, or not, may not the case
happen, that a Church should turn very corrupt, both as to
doctrine and worship, and some one or other, for testifying
against this, should be suspended, yea deposed, as in the case of
Athanasius ? Should, therefore, the publication of the purity of
the doctrine and worship be penned up by an unjust sentence ?
And if, in this case, obedience should be given thereto, might
not God justly plead with such as a keeper-back of his counsel,
and punish them with the same blindness that others are in,
because he set not the light on a candlestick, but put it under a
bushel 1 Secondly, whether, or not, he that preaches, after an
unjust sentence, can be rightly charged with contumacy, more
than a child refusing obedience to a parent, in an unlawful
command, can be charged with disobedience ? And if, till once
the matter be examined and tried by the Superior Judicatory,
that they can ratify what the inferior has done : whether, or not,
they are more chargeable of disorder, who passes their sentence
after an appeal, and not suffering the superior judicatory to make

26o Appendix.

the decision who is right and who is wrong? And if the superior
judicatory partake of this disorder, who (as was said) ratifies
the sentence before they hear what the sentenced has to say for
his own vindication ; whether, or not, such things considered,
are the judicatories more guilty of disorder, than he that con-
tinues in the exercise of this ministerial office as formerly, after
the sentence is passed ?

But now, as to those who hold, that an unjust sentence
should be obeyed, because of order; to this I say, that if a con-
troversy or debate should fall in between a judicatory and a
member thereof, and if the member think himself cruelly dealt
with, so that the laws in their severity are overstretched ; and he
appeal to a superior, — the judicatory ought also to sist their pro-
cess, and likewise appeal, or at least wait till he follow out his,
who has appealed. And here, no sentence passes, and order is
kept up. But this cannot be in the case of a superior judicatory.
Therefore, if they should pass a sentence unjustly (for only of
such sentences we always speak, for there is none that ought to
debate against subjection to a just sentence) — the person has no
other refuge, but to follow his duty as formerly ; as also, if he
has expected redress, but could not attain it ; for so it may
happen. Secondly, if the judicatory have passed their sentence
rashly and unjustly, they ought speedily to retract, and thereby
also order is kept. For unjust sentences are no order, but dis-
order, and a subjection herein is a subjection to men's disorders.
And yet, in this case, I cannot see how they can be charged
with opening a door to anarchy and confusion, who disobey an
unjust sentence, more than a child or servant that disobeys the
unlawful command of parent and master. For, suppose a parent
or master should discharge their child or servant from wor-
shipping of God duly and orderly, are they to forbear their duty
till they get redress from the judge ? or is there no way for them
to know whether the cornmand be just or not, or whether they

Appendix. 261

will be guilty of disorder or riot, if they shall disobey ? For, if
the child or servant disobey, then it may be said they make
themselves the judge. And not only so, but there is such dis-
order here, that the child and servant turn umpire, and abandon
their former relation. And both of them are as strictly tied to
subjection, as a member is to the judicatory whereof he is a
member. Yet in the case, I see not that either child or servant
needs wait the determination of the judge, because the Word of
God decides the matter clearly. And if it were not so in matters
of duty, then it would be the same with the Church of Rome,
to believe as they believe. Or will any say, that child or servant
are herein guilty of disorder ? And if they will, they roll the
blame upon God, as the author of this disorder, who hath com-
manded it to be so, viz., to prefer the commands of God before
the commands of men ; and it should be so.

But, lest I should be mistaken, I confine not within the limits
of this unjust sentence such sentences as may be passed, even
c/a7'e erranfe, that is, though the scandals are not judicially
proven, so thnt the person cannot be legally condemned ; yet
there is such a fnma clamosa of a minister, either as to his doc-
trine of being unsound in the faith, and broaching some new
error, either as to doctrine, worship, etc., in the House of God,
or yet of a scandalous practice and carriage, which things can
scarcely fall out but they may be proven \ and if that judicature
should pass their sentence without clear probation, which is
clave errante in them, and so evil ; — yet if the minister be such
as seeks the glory of God and the welfare of souls, and being
conscious to himself how much hurt such a scandal may do in
the Church of God, though innocent, that it is safer to subject
and wait the superior judicatory's determination, and that
though unjustly wronged. Yea, though the superior judicatory
should ratify it, he should subject upon the grounds above said,
if he cannot, to the conviction of impartial persons, get himself

262 Appendix.

clearly vindicated. And this way he understands the subjection
that is to be given to an unjust sentence, in that Paper at the
Commission, and not otherwise. And as it condemned his
own practice in preaching after the sentence passed, he was
weak in saying so, because he cannot be charged with those
things as above said. So that such sentences, as pass on a
minister to whom none of the forementioned things are appli-
cable, as they are void and null of themselves, so no subjection
due to them. And of such sort he reckons those which may
pass upon a minister for following of his duty. And although
it should not be granted, that it is for following his duty he is
sentenced ; yet when no other thing is alleged, it is evident.
And all that any can say in opposition to this is, only till redress
be had from superior judicatories. For I believe none will say
that when redress is sought and not obtained, that in this case
an unjust sentence shall be obeyed. Because this were to make
the power that judicatories have absolute indeed. Therefore,
those who upon this pretence opened their mouths upon him
before cannot but shut them now, when redress has been sought
for but not had. And all they have to charge him with is dis-
order, according to the Commission's Act, 1704. And to excul-
pate himself of this he charges all that hold him guilty of dis-
order to accuse him in preaching and practising anything that
has not been already attained and practised in the Church of
Scotland, and that in her best reformed settled times. And if
they shall call this disorder, let them answer what is said, Deut.
iv, g.io — " Only take heed to thyself, and keep thy soul dili-
gently, lest thou forget the things which thine eyes have seen, and
lest they depart from thine heart, all the days of thy life ; but
teach them thy sons, and thy son's sons." And 2 John, 8— r
" Look to yourselves, that we lose not those things which we
have wrought."

In the last place, because he is rendered so odious in the .

Appendix. 263

bounds, as he is informed, and that by both ministers and
others, for what he did at the Commission ; by ministers, I say,
because, as he hears, they asperse him with that of disowning
what formerly he owned : — therefore, it is needful that something
be said here, also that persons may see they have not so much
ground to accuse him as they say. Though if they have any,
they have too much, which he is heartily sorry for. But that he
declared what formerly he owned, and reckoned it a great sin,
is a downright and manifest untruth. And he charges those
who spread this, and knew the truth of the matter, to hold
up their face, and say, '* Lord, thou knowest I speak nothing
but truth, when I said, he acknowledged it as his sin in doing
what he has done ! '' And it is known what litigation there was
about that word sin. And he, seeking after peace, was willing
to take with it as a fault and a wrong step of procedure, that he
said he would not see the Presbytery for some days, while he
had not then formally laid down reasons (which you will find
more clear in the first four articles), as also, his declining before
a sentence, though he had told his reasons therefor to the Com-
mittee, which are set down in the tenth premiss. And likewise,
it was told concerning that expression of " every other thing," *
that in a complex matter, as there might be some things bad, so
likewise some things good ; and that in open judgment, when
that Paper was given in and subscribed. Yea, he is so far from
disowning what he owned (though maliciously aspersed), that, as
he looked upon the " Grievances " as just, so through alifiance
of the Divine Spirit, [he is resolved] to adhere thereto, and that
upon all hazards. As for the justice he met with, he leaves that
to a farther judgment, and so passes it without any other reflec-
tion. And for what subjection he then promised judicatories in

* " Any other thing in my way that hath given offence," — see Hiitcliisoii,
p. 145. The reference is to the piper subscribed by Macmillan at the Com-
mission in July, 1704. — Ed.

264 Appendix.

the Lord, the obligation is nowise binding, because he is not put
in a capacity to perform his office, the cause and ground of the
obhgation. For how can he, as to his office, be accountable to
the judicatory for the exercise thereof, when he is not by them
allowed to exercise the same ? For, as the obligation came
under the consideration of his being reponed to the office ; so
the judicatory's not reponing makes void the obligation, that it
is nowise binding upon him. And none will oppose this, but
such as are priest-ridden, who will say anything. It is a good
saying, which divines have, that an obligation de rebus impossi-
bilibus, as well as illicit is, Jion obligat Juraniem ad sui observa-
iionem ; et quum aufertur ratio formalis Jura?nenii, jiiramentum
cessat ratione eventus* And this holds; for toUitur causa, tollitiir
effectus. But this being so clear in itself, it is needless to de-
monstrate it further.

But then, a few words as to that, that his defences could not
be heard by the superior judicatory, because they were not given
in before a sentence passed ; and then I have done.

Then, as to this, first, if it be minded what is said in the fifth
premiss, or yet of that judge, for the Lord : this argument
will have little or no weight, and especially amongst those where
justice is regarded, because readily such will look more to the
materiality of the cause than the formality of the procedure.
Secandly, grant there had been an omission here, yet is that a
sufficient ground to deny a man a hearing in his own defence,
when the matter is referred to a superior judicatory? And
whether or not, if he who in a law plea should take advantage
of his neighbour because of such an informal step, and thereby
should wrest from him his goods, and cheat him out of his

* " An obligation regarding things impossible, as well as unlawful, binds
not the person engaging, to observe the same ; and as soon as the condition
of the engagement is taken away, the engagement ilself lapses by circum-
stances."— Ed.

Appendix. 265

estate — could he not but be reckoned a breaker of the tenth
command, and called covetous? I cannot see but he might.
And sure he followed not with the general rule herein, to do to
others as he would have them do to him. Such advantages in
law, quirks in matters of weight, I judge is not fair play. And
if any may use them, they should be left to lawyers who judge
for reward, etc., not to ecclesiastic persons who ought to be no
such judges. But thirdly, if an error in the formality spoils the
cause that it cannot have a hearing, then there would be no
necessity for superior judicatories to address to, that the matter
may be righted. For there is not a party, but they will strive
to give their own cause the best representation that they can ;
and if superior judicatories may not dive into this, they may be
reckoned cyphers. May not persons, if they please, pretend
one informal step or another, or something else against their
opposite, for bettering their own cause, and hereby the wronged
and oppressed should never get a hearing? What sort of justice
must this be, to proceed from a superior ecclesiastic judicatory?
Felix, an heathen, would give more justice, \yho could tell a
Paul that he could not be heard till his accusers were present,
and both of them face to face. And says not the Wise Man,
Prov., xviii. 17, that " He that is first on his own cause seemeth
just, but his neighbour cometh and searcheth him out?" And
how is this, but by the judge ? Much more as to this might be
said ; but I forbear, because any unbiassed person will never
reckon it a valid ground to have denied him a hearing, under
the consideration of such a supposed informal step.

So, judging by this time, the reader may be satisfied with
what is said, though much more might have been said ; yet,
since there is a deduction of the whole (though briefly) and true
matter of fact, a capite ad calcem, from the beginning to the end,
I shall satisfy myself therewith, and so do thou.

And if there be any to object against the truth of what is

s

266 Appendix.

said, he is ready, upon fair and timeous warning, to answer
them. And (passing all reflections of reponing some Episco-
palians to their former charge, though deposed by a Synod for
Arminian tenets) since he has shewn himself so far against
acting singularly or loving to do so ; and that, by waiting
redress, and shewing his willingness to have peace with truth
kissing each other, and to concur to his power for getting these
things redressed that are grievous and offensive : — But since
nothing in this can be obtained without such stretches as con-
science will not allow, as an acknowledgment he suffers justly,
and so [was] sentenced justly, and with all the "Grievances"
laid aside, and grievous to be spoken of; therefore, he resolves,
in the strength of the Lord, to preach the Gospel as formerly,
and to take and accept invitation for that end where he may
have it,* lest he should bring himself under that woe the apostle
speaks of. Woe to ??ie if I preach not the Gospel ! — nothing
hindering.

* On 5th April, 1704, a letter was read from Macmillan, at the General
Meeting of the United Societies, desiring a conference. It is clear that he
had decided, as he says above, to " take and accept " a call from them.
This was given on October 24, 1706. — Ed.

Appendix. 267

II.

A true double of a Paper of Grievances given in
to the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, July 6th,
1703, by Mr. John Reid, minister of Cars-
phairn ; Mr, William Tod, minister of Buittle;
and Mr. John Macmillan, minister of Balma-
ghie : To which generally the whole fore-
mentioned parishes adhere, and the greatest
part of the Godly in the land. [Appended to
the True Narrative, 1 704.]

1. It is a great grievance, that none of our Assemblies hath,
by an Act in solemn and ample form, and in name of this Na-
tional Church, asserted and declared Presbyterian Government
to be of divine right, unto which the Church has adhered and
given testimony by suffering ; and that the late Prelacy was a
most wicked usurpation, and grievous encroachment upon the
rights of the said Church. The necessity of such an Act is evi-
dent, in regard the late Prelacy was never ecelesiastically asserted,
but only depended on the civil sanction. And now, for the
Church to remain so long silent in asserting her own right, after
she had been deprived of the exercise of Presbytery about thirty
years, doth manifestly imply a holding of it by the same tenure,
viz., Erastian Supremacy. Especially, considering the Act of
Re-establishipent goes as far back as the year 1592, there is cut
off what the Church had attained unto in her purest time, viz..,
1638-1649 inclusive.

2. The intrinsic power of the Church (which is now become
a case of confession) with relation to the calling, adjourning,
and dissolving of her judicatories, and the freedom of treating

268 Appendix.

ecclesiastical matters therein, has not been asserted by an Act in
any of our Assemblies these thirteen years bygone, with relaiion
to the Church's claim and power. This importeth a submission
to all the encroachments made by the civil powers upon the
Church, by constant calling, adjourning, and dissolving Assem-
blies, and prelimiting the same, both as to matters and mem-
bers ; besides, the not asserting the Government in opposition
to Erastianism in compliance with the State (while, in the mean-
time, they have been and are wreathing an Erastian yoke about
our necks) does not only clearly imply a leaving of the power in
their hands, but a manifest disowning all the former wrestlings
of this Church for her rights and liberties in such like cases,
forasmuch as we, Issachar-like, crouch under the burden. And
that which is most unaccountable and dolorous, an Address was
sent to K. W. * by a considerable meeting of ministers in name
of this Church, wherein that commendable and honourable ap-
pearance for the Prince of the Kings of the earth, by asserting
the Church's rights at the dissolution of the Assembly, to which
the Earl of Lothian was Commissioner, is disowned. And yet
the authors have not been called to an account and censured by
any subsequent Assembly. We cannot but look upon this, as in
so far allowed by the whole.

3. The Church has taken into ministerial communion many
Curates, upon their taking the Oath of Allegiance and subscrib-
ing the Assurance, the new ministerial qualifications, without
requiring so much as the shadow of repentance for their former
horrible scandals ; whereby they declare to the world, that
they judge all the perjuries, persecutions, and other abomina-
tions (whereof they are guilty) to be no scandal, and thus con-
demn our former contendings against these false teachers, and
the state of our late sufferings from the beginning. Yea, it is to

* King William.— Ed.

Appendix. 269

be feared, to make perjuries shall be found the terms of their
admission ; the formula, which they are required to subscribe,
being in several things expressly contrair to the Test and Cove-
nant Oath. We have that charity for those who consented to
the taking in of the Curates, as to judge that, although what is
said be evidently yf^zV operis, yet not Jim's operand's.*

4. Ministers guilty of accepting K. C. Indulgences and K. J.
Toleration,t have never been required, by any judicatory of this
Church, to acknowledge the evils of these, and all their other
backslidings. Nay, nor hath it been so much as proposed, for
anything ever we heard. We humbly judge the whole Church
culpable in this head.

5. In all our national and public Fasts, the sins of the land
are not fully enumerated, particularly the ignominious maltreat-
ment of the Covenants by burning them ; the sinfulness of the
Act of Parliament called the Acf -Rescissory ; the Acts against the
Covenants unrepealed, nay, not so much as desired to be
rescinded, which is a grievous sin both in Church and State ;
the sin of intelligencers and informers against honest people,
when flying for their lives ; the assisting of enemies by riding
with them, and admission of lax tested elders, together with the
Declaration and self-contradictory Test, etc. ; all other oaths
and bonds in the late unhappy times; the Council's appointing
diets of national fasts, which is destructive of the Church's rights
and contrary to our former practice.

6. Ministers not preaching so freely and faithfully against the
sins of the time, as the Word of God, Acts of the General
Assemblies, and the good imitable example of our forefathers
warrants them. Particularly, they give not public testimony
against the discountenancing good men, and the advancing of

* This obscure passage may mean that the admission of the Curates was
a measure of worldly policy. — Ed,
t King Charles — King James. — Ed.

270 Appendix.

flagitious malignant persons to places of most eminent trust.
Their pusillanimous mentioning of the Covenants at baptism,
some omitting them alogether.

7. As to the way and manner of discipline, its exercise in
many places too lax and partial, some scandalous persons en-
tirely overlooked, others easily passed for pecuniary mulcts after
the fashion and practice of many curates in the late times. The
neglect of censuring him or them, who informed K. W. what
Presbyteries were for asserting the intrinsic power of the Church,
in the year 1701. And ministers unsafe admitting scandalous
persons to the Lord's Table, contrary to Acts of Assembly
thereanent.

8. The generality of ministers taking the Oath of Allegiance
and subscribing the Assurance and qualifications, without which
no man can be received or continued a minister or preacher in
this Church, as is clear from the Act of Parliament entitled, Act

for settling the peace and quiet of the Church.

9. The last Commission, their reponing three curates, not-
withstanding of the sentence passed against them by their
respective Synods, and that because of their being Arminianly
principled and otherwise scandalous in their life.

ID. The Moderator and Clerk, their tergiversing upon the
dissolution of the last Assembly by the Commissioner, a thing
bewailed by many, and no due regard had to the protestations
then verbally made by some, and adhered to by others. That,
when it was moved by several members of the Commission that
a true and faithful narrative of the Assembly's dissolution, and
the verbal protest adhered unto, should be made by the said
Commission, it was so far from being hearkened unto that it
was wholly laid aside.

1 1. Q. A.,* public summoning all the members of the Assem-
bly to meet at Edinburgh, March 10, 1703, a case utterly un-

* Queen Anne. — Ed,

Appendix. . 271

precedented in this Church, and also, that the Assembly last
failed in not remonstrating against such a proclamation, and also
the Queen's Letter to the Council, and to the last Assembly,
evidencing such respect to the Episcopal clergy as tends to the
weakening of our right Constitution. We humbly judge the
Church very faulty in not declaring against the same.

12. The last Assembly refused to say, in their address to the
Q., that the Presbyterian Government is founded upon the
Word of God, although it was often pressed ; which is very
grievous and offensive, especially seeing Presbytery was settled,
by the Claim of Right, as only "agreeable to the inclinations of
the people : " as if our forefathers had only suffered for a thing
merely suiting their own temper and humour.

[The following note is added at the close of the little volume
containing the " True Narrative " and the " Grievances : " — ]

Having occasionally seen a " Letter to the Parishioners of\Bal-
maghie\^^ * under the hands of some of the learned members of the
Presbytery, after what is above tuas finished, zvith respect to the
Presbytery^ s sentoice : which being answered above in the examina-
tion of the Libel, I shall forbear at the time to give any further
ansiver to it, otily with this observation — that the learned man, in
his paper, tnistakes the questiofi, misplaces the Scripture Matt,
xviii. 16-18, imposeth an implicit faith upon people, is anti-Scrip-
tural, anti-Presbytertan, inconsistent tvith himself, unjust in his
relation of matters zvith respect to that ?ne?nber, is a bad dis-
ciplinarian, his paper is filled up with great tintruths ; lastly^ he
succumbs in what he has undertaken to make good prom the Word
of God. All which things can be instructed from his paper, that
every one may see that peruses it.

* There is a blank here ; but the Letter referred to was addressed to the
parishioners of Balmaghie by Andrew Cameron. — Ed,

2/2 Appendix.

III.

Libel against Mr. John Macmillan, minister at
Balmaghie.

[Reprinted from a pamphlet entitled — " The Pamphlet entitled A True
Narrative of the Proceedings of the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, etc., Ex-
amined and Found False ... By a Member of that Presbytery.
Edinburgh : 1705." The libel is copied verbatim from the Presbytery
Records. This pamphlet appears to have been sold at five shillings Scots,
or fivepence.]

Whereas the calumniating or misrepresenting the Church, and
ministry thereof, to people, especially when done publicly out cf
the pulpit ; and the breach of ministers' engagements at their
ordination, and the like, after engagements and declarations by
word and write, in being disorderly, disobedient, and con-
tumacious to the commands or appointments of the judicatories
of the Church, to which ministers are subject and engage to be
subject ; and the turning divisive or schismatic, and endeavour-
ing to lead or seduce others thereto : are things sinful, hurtful
to the Church, and offensive, and which therefore ought to be
censured according to justice and equity : Yet it is of verity, that
the said Mr. John Macmillan is guilty of these evils, in the
instances following : —

1. The said Mr. John Macmillan did declare, that he would
withdraw from the Presbytery of Kirkcudbright, whereof he is a
member, for three or four Presbytery days, or longer, upon the
eleventh day of May last, and did, at that time, refuse to give
reasons for his so doing, albeit he was required to give them,
and did withdraw accordingly.

2. Thereafter, he being sent for by the said Presbytery the
same day, did come to them. And the Moderator again desiring
him to give the grounds of his withdrawing from them, he did

Appendix. 273

answer, that he withdrew not from the said Presbytery only, but
from the whole National Church of Scotland as now established.
And so did libel the whole National Church, as giving ground
to separate from them, or declared himself an unreasonable and
wilful schismatic.

3. He declared, he knew not whether this Church was Pres-
byterial or Episcopal, in regard the General Assembly had not,
by their explicit Act, declared it to be Presbyterial ; as if a
Presbyterial Church could not be known to be such, except by
their explicit declarative Act thereanent.

4. He did refuse to confer further with the said Presbytery,
and to attend their diets, though the Moderator, in name of the
Presbytery, required him so to do, and did withdraw himself im-
mediately from them ; and so, with his separation, did act dis-
obediently and contumaciously to the Presbytery, contrary to his
solemn engagements at his ordination. All which are instructed
by the Records of the said Presbytery held the eleventh of May,

1703-

5. He did say, on the Sabbath of May last, in his

preaching to the congregation at Balmaghie, that the Church of
Scotland had gone off the foundation ; and did acknowledge to
the Presbytery the third of November last, that he spake these
words ; but alleged, that he spake them thus, viz. : that the
Church had gone off the foundation, going back to the year
1592. As if the King and Parliament, by their Act legally es-
tablishing the Government of the Church (excepting patronages)
as it was established in the year 1592, gave him ground to teach
the people, that the Church of Scotland had gone off the foun-
dation. And so, he did give people ground, by that phrase, to
think that the Church was become erroneous or heretical, in not
abiding by the doctrine of the prophets and apostles, or of going
off from Christ the foundation, and that this Church was not
upon the right foundation in the year 1592.

274 Appendix.

6. He did not keep the Synodical Fast in May last, nor read
the causes thereof to the congregation at Balmaghie. He did
absent from some Presbyteries after May last, and did absent
from the Synods in April and October last, and did give to the
Presbytery in November last, as his reason why he went not to
the last Synod, his being gravelled by some hard expressions (as
he called them) of some ministers in the bounds, in some of
their public sermons, which were indeed against separatists and
their principles. In which things, he hath acted disobediently
to the Synod and Presbytery, where he hath been a member, and
disorderly, and hath owned himself reached and gravelled with
what is preached against separatists, and hath broken his ordin-
ation engagements. This is to be proven by the Records of the
Synod and Presbytery, and people of Balmaghie.

7. Mr. John Macmillan did declare to a Committee of the
said Presbytery of Kirkcudbright at Balmaghie the eighth of
December, 1703, that he was not purposed to be at the Presby-
tery at the Kells the day immediately preceding, because he finds
not that satisfaction from the Presbytery's Answers* to the paper
of Grievances given in by him that he expected, and that the
Reply to the Answers will shew wherein the dissatisfaction lies,
when it comes forth ; whereby he testifies himself to be resolute
in separating from the Presbytery, and that contrary to what he
declared under his hand in his Protestation given in to the
Presbytery at Polsack,"}" August 30, 1703, and to what he declared
to the Presbytery at Kirkcudbright, November 3, 1703; and that
he expects a paper to come out which will contain reasons or
grounds that will warrant him to separate from the Presbytery.
This article will be instructed by the Records of the Presbytery
and Committee.

* These Answers were also printed in pamphlet form in 1705, price 2d. — ■
Ed.

t Polsack, a house, now disappeared, near Laurieston in Balmaghie. — Ed.

Appendix. 275

8. The said Mr. Macmillan did acknowledge to the said
Committee that be declared to the congregation at Balmaghie,
the first Lord's day of November last, that it was well known
that, in time bypast, there had been a difference betwixt some
and the Presbytery, and there was expected some sort of agree-
ment • but, for anything he could see, there is no such agree-
ment like to be ; and that he spake of " clubbing " with the
Presbytery, by which he contradicts his agreement with the
Presbytery on the AVednesday immediately preceding the said
Sabbath, as the Records of the Presbytery will prove, and his
own acknowledgment of the said agreement on the Friday there-
after, to some persons of his own parish, mentioned in the
Records of the said Committee ; whereby also he evidences
levity and unconstancy unbecoming a minister of the Gospel,
and disrespect to the Presbytery and Agreement with them, in
calling his Agreement with them " some sort of agreement " and
a "clubbing."

9. He said to the congregation at Balmaghie, the said first
Sabbath of November last, that there were once three that stood
for the truth, but now he knew not but there was but one ; and
that, though they should all leave him, he resolved to stand
where he was. This article to be proven by the people of Bal-
maghie, who were his hearers that day, and the Committee's
Records, to whom he acknowledged the same in part. By this
article, he accuses the Presbytery, Ministry, and People of this
Church, of not standing for the truth, and declares his own
resoluteness and stiffness in his separating course from this
Church, and breach of agreement with the Presbytery.

10. He did say to the congregation, the said day, that he laid
his account to be persecuted by the ministry for these things.
This to be proven by the elders and people of Balmaghie who
heard him that day, by which he justifies himself in his separa-
tion and expressions above mentioned, against this Church and

276 Appendix.

Presbytery, and his breach of his solemn engagements at his
ordination, and agreements with the Presbytery, and stigmatizes
the Ministry as persecutors.

11. He desired the people of Balmaghie, on the Lord's Day
the twenty-first of November last, to stick by him ; and if they
would not, he would stand to his hazard. To be proven by Adam
Glenholm, servant to Garvarie,* and the people of Balmaghie
who heard him that day. By which he evidences himself to be
making a faction or party in the Church, to concur with and
support him in separation.

12. He did declare to some of his parishioners, on Friday the
fifth of November last, that the Presbytery and he were agreed ;
and when he was desired to tell why he declared himself so far
against the said Agreement on the Sabbath thereafter, he
answered that, when he went to his studies the said Friday at
even, they did not go with him, and that he had not freedom in
prayer, and therefore he spake so on the Sabbath thereafter
anent the said Agreement. This to be proven by George

Mackguffog in Drumlane, an elder of the parish, and . In

this he seems to be enthusiastic, t or to reason loosely and in-
considerately.

13. When the said Committee did interrogate the said Mr.
Macmillan (i), if he would adhere to the Agreement at Kirk-
cudbright, the third of November last, according to the Presby-
tery's minutes ? he answered that he could not give answer that
night whether he would or not. (2), If he would abide by
these things which he acknowledged that night, he spake in
public, that are contrary to the Agreement or not ? he answered
that he was not ripe to tell his judgment of that yet. (3), If
he would engage, and give it under his hand, thereafter to exer-
cise his ministry orderly, according to Presbyterian principles,

* Garvarie, may be Darngarroch. , . t /.^.,. under a delusion. — Ed.

Appendix. 277

be subject to the Presbytery and other judicatories? he answered
that he would give in no answer to this that night. These are
proven by the Records of the said Committee. And by which
answers he decHnes and shifts* to declare himself to the Presby-
tery and their Committee, so as he is obliged by Presbyterian
principles, his solemn engagements at his ordination, his sub-
scription in his Protest and Declarations, and Agreement
recorded in the Presbytery's Records ; and without declaring
himself satisfyingly as to which, and engaging as to these, he
cannot be suffered to teach publicly, and act as a minister of
this Church.

For all which things libelled, the said Mr. John Macmillan
ought to be sentenced and censured by the Presbytery of Kirk-
cudbright, within whose jurisdiction he exercises his ministry,
and hath offended as above ; according to the Word of God,
Acts of the General Assemblies of this Church, and laudable
practice of the discipline thereof in such cases.

IV.

The Protestation, Declinature, and Appeal of Mr.
John Macmillan, minister of the Gospel at
Balmaghie, and Mr. John Macneil, Probationer
and Preacher of the Gospel, sent to the Com-
mission of the Kirk at Edinburgh, the 29th of
September, 1708.

* Evades, ^^t/.

278 Appendix.

[Reprinted from a tract of 8 pages, probably issued in 1708, with the note
— " Inclosed in a line to Nicol Spence, and by him delivered to the Commis-
sion, September 29, 1708."

Nicol Spence was " Sub-Clerk " of the General Assembly. The Com-
mission responded to this Appeal by an Act dated October i, 1708, voiding
Macneil's license to preach, and threatening both him and Macmillan with
the highest Church censures, if they continued their "gross and sinful prac-
tices." The Appeal was Macmillan 's response to a citation to appear before
the Commission.]

We, Mr. John Macmillan, present minister of the Gospel at
Balmaghie, and Mr. John Macneil, Preacher of the Gospel,
being most odiously and invidiously represented to the world
as schismatics, separatists, and teachers of unsound and divisive
doctrine tending to the detriment of Church and State, and
especially by ministers with whom we were embodied, while
there remained any hope of getting grievances redressed :

Therefore, that both ministers and professors * may know the
unaccountableness of such aspersions, let it be considered that
this backsliding Church (when we, with others, might have been
big with expectations of advancement in Reformation) continued
in their defections from time to time, still, as occasion was
given, evidencing their readiness to comply with every new
backsliding course, instance that of the Oath of Allegiance and
Bond of Assurance to the present Queen : which additional
step to the former gave occasion to our unhappy contentions
and divisions :

And now at this time, for the glory of God, the vindication of
truth and of ourselves (as conscience and reason obligeth us), to
make evident to the world the groundlessness of these asper-
sions and calumnies as renters! and dividers, and particularly in
the Commission's late odious and malicious libel, wherein are
contained many gross falsehoods, such as " swearing persons not

* i.e., of religion.— £(/. t Renders. — Ed.

Appendix. Vj<^

to pay cess," and " Iravelling through the country with scandal-
ous persons in arms," which, as they are odious calumnies in
themselves, so they will never be proven by witnesses :

And as to our judgment anent the cess, we reckon it duty in
the people of God to deny and withhold all support, succour,
aid, or assistance, that may contribute to the upholding or
strengthening the Man of Sin, or any of the adversaries of truth
(as the Word of God instructs us), or for supporting any in such
a way, as tending to the establishment of the kingdom of Satan,
and bringing down the kingdom of the Son of God. In a course
tending this way, how deeply these nations are engaged (con-
trar to the Word of God, and our indispensable oaths and cove-
nants, whereby these lands were solemnly devoted to God) is
too palpable and plain, especially in the sinful terms of the late
God-provoking, religion-destroying, and land-ruining Union.
We judge it most necessary to give to the world a brief and
short account of our principles in what we own or disown, re-
ferring for larger and more ample information, to several protes-
tations and testimonies given by some of the godly heretofore at
different times and places. And hereby, that truth may be vin-
dicated and our conscience exonered,

We declare to the world our hearty desire to embrace and
adhere to the written Word of God, contained in the Holy
Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, as the only and com-
petent rule and adequate umpire of faith and manners, and
whatever is founded thereupon and agreeable thereunto, such as
our Confession of Faith, Larger and Shorter Catechisms, Direc-
tory for Worship, Covenants National and Solemn League, the
Acknowledgments of Sin and Engagements to Duties, Causes of
God's Wrath, and the ordinary and perpetual officers of Christ's
appointment, such as Pastors, Doctors, Elders, and Deacons,
and the Form of Church Government commonly called Presby-
terian^

28o Appendix.

Next, we declare our firm adherence to all the faithful con-
tendings for truth, whether of old or of late, by ministers and
professors, and against whatever sinful courses, whether more re-
fined or more gross ; and particularly, the public Resolutions,
Cromwell's usurpation, the toleration of sectaries and here-
sies in his time, and against the sacrilegious usurpation and
tyranny of Charles II., the unfaithfulness of ministers and pro-
fessors in employing with him, and accepting his Indulgence
first and last ; and in a word, to everything agreeable to the
matter of this our testimony, as it is declared in page 25 and 26
of the Informatory Vindication, printed anno 1687.

Likewise, we declare our adherence unto the testimony against
the abominable Toleration granted by the Duke of York, given
in to the ministers at Edinburgh by that faithful minister and
now glorified martyr, Mr. James Renwick, January 17, 1688 ;
and to whatever wrestlings or c6ntendings have been made, or
testimonies given, against the endeavours of any, in their subtle
and sedulous striving, to insinuate and engage us in a sinful con-
federacy with a malignant interest and cause, against the Word
of God, our Solemn League and Covenant, and testimony of this
Church.

Next, we bear testimony against persons being invested with
royal power and authority in these covenanted lands, without a
declaration of their hearty compliance with and approbation of
the National Solemn League and Covenants, and engagement
to prosecute the ends thereof, by consenting to and ratifying all
Acts and Laws made in defence of these Covenants, agreeable
to the Word of God, and laudable Acts and practice of this kirk
in our best times.

Moreover, we bear testimony against all confederation and
association with Popish prelates and malignants, contrary to the
Word of God and our solemn engagements: the magistrates'
adjourning and dissolving of Assemblies, and not allowing them

Appendix. 281

time to consider and expedite their affairs : their appointing
them diets and courses of fasts, particularly that of January 14,
and the Thanksgiving August 26, anno 1708, which is a mani-
fest encroachment on, and destructive to, the privileges of this
Church : their protecting of Curates in the peaceable exercise
of their ministry, some in kirks, others in meetinghouses;* yea,
even in the principal city of the kingdom, if qualified by swear-
ing the Oath of Allegiance : their not bringing unto condign
punishment enemies to the Covenant, and cause of God, but
advancing such to places of power and trust. All which we
here bear testimony against.

Next, we bear testimony against lukewarmness and unfaithful-
ness in ministers anent the corruptions and defections the Church
was guilty of in the late times, not yet purged and removed by
censures and otherwise, as was duty ; and their not leaving faith-
ful and joint testimonies against all the encroachments made
upon the Church, by the civil powers, since the year 1690. And
we bear testimony against the settling the Constitution of this
Church, according as it was established in the year 1592. And
the ministers' not testifying against this deed seems to import a
disowning of all that Reformation attained to betwixt 163S and
1649 inclusive : at least, cowardice in not daring to avouch the
same, or their being ashamed to own it, because many famous
and faithful Acts of Assemblies, especially about the year 1648,
would have made them liable to censure, even to the length of
silencing and deposition, for their defection and unfaithfulness
during the late times of the land's apostacy — particularly, their
weakening the hands and discouraging the hearts of the Lord's
suffering people, by their bitter expressions, and aspersions cast
on them for their zeal and tenderness, which would not allow

* " Some In kirks "—this refers to the fact that many Episcopal ministers
still held manse and church at this date. Cunningham (I. 196) says 165
such were known at the Union. — Ed.

T

282 Appendix.

them to comply with wicked, arbitrary, and bloody counsel, as
many of them did : their not renewing the Covenant, buried for
upwards of fifty years by the greatest part of the land, contrar to
the former practice of this Church, especially after some grosser
steps of defection : their receiving of perjured Curates into
ministerial communion without Covenant ties and obligations,
and evident signs of their repentance, contrar to the former prac-
tice of this Church : their receiving some lax tested men and
Curates' elders, into Kirk offices, without some apparent signs,
at least, of their repentance in a public appearance, contrar to
the former practice of this Church in such like cases, evident by
the Acts of the Assemblies : their not protesting formally, faith-
fully, and explicitly against the Magistrates' adjourning and dis-
solving of Assemblies, and recording the same, contrar the prac-
tice of this Church in our reforming times : (we are not con-
cerned to notice the protestation of some few persons at parti-
cular times, seeing their precipitancy and rashness, in this mat-
ter (as they accounted it), was afterward apologized for, and that
it was not the deed of the Assembly) : their not asserting,
in any explicit and formal Act, the divine right of Pres-
bytery, and the intrinsic power of the Church, though often
desired by many private Christians and some several members ;
their not confirming and ratifying the Acts of the Assemblies,
that were made in our best times, for strengthening and ad-
vancing the work of Reformation, contrar to the former practice
of this Church : their admitting, in many places, ignorant and
scandalous persons to the Lord's Table, contrar to the Acts of
former Assemblies : their not protesting against the present sin-
ful confederacy with papists, malignants, and other enemies of
religion and godliness, contrar the Word of God and former
practice of this Church : their offensive partiality in their res-
pective judicatories, as to some particular members, whereby
the more lax and scandalous are overlooked and passed by, and

AppeJidix. 283

the more failhful and zealous are severely dealt with and handled,
contrar the rule of equity and the former practice of this Church :
their refusing and shifting * to receive and redress the people's
just and great grievances, and little regard had to prevent the
giving offence to the Lord's people, and small endeavours to
have these things removed that are stumbling and offensive to
them, contrar to the apostle's rule and practice, who became all
things to all men, that by all means he might save some : their
not declaring, faithfully and freely, against the sins of the land
former and latter, without respect of persons, contrar to that ex-
press precept — " Set the trumpet to thy mouth, and show my
people their transgressions, and the house of Jacob their sin."

Lastly, we bear testimony against ministers' sinful and shame-
ful silence, when called to speak and act, by preaching and
protesting, against this unhallowed Union, which, as it is already
the stain, so we fear it will prove the ruin and bane of this poor
nation ; though some of them, we grant, signified their dislike
thereof, before and about the time it was concluded. Yet there
was no plain and express protestation, faithfully and freely given
in to the Parliament, shewing the sinfulness and danger of this
cursed Union, being contrar, not only to the honour, interest, and
fundamental laws, and conditions of the kingdom, and a pal-
pable surrender of the sovereignty, rights, and privileges of the
nation ; but also, a manifest breach of our Solemn League and
Covenant, which was made and sworn with uplifted hands to
the most hig'n God, for purging and reforming the three nations
from error, heresy, superstition, and profaneness, and whatever
is contrar to sound doctrine, the power of godliness, and the
purity of worship, discipline, and government in the same. And
so it involves this nation into a most fearful perjury before God,
being contrar to the first article of the Covenant, wherein we
swear to contribute with our utmost endeavours, in our several

* Evading. — Ed.

284 Appendix.

places and callings, to reform England in doctrine, worship, dis-
cipline, and government. But by this Union, we are bound up
for ever from all endeavours and attempts of this nature, and
have put ourselves out of all capacity to give any help or assist-
ance that way : as ye may see more fully in the late Protestation
against the Union, published at Sanquhar, October 22, 1707.

Let none say, that what we have done here flows from ambi-
tion to exalt ourselves above others, for, as we have great cause,
so we desire grace from the Lord, to be sensible of what acces-
sion * we have with others in the land, to the provoking of his
Spirit, in not walking as becomes the Gospel, according to our
solemn engagements. Neither proceeds it from irritation, or
inclination (by choice or pleasure), to discover our Mother's
nakedness or wickedness, or that we love to be of a contentious
spirit. For our witness is in heaven (whatever the world may
say), that it would be the joy of our hearts, and as it were a
resurrection from the dead, to have these grievances redressed
and removed, and our backsliding and breaches quickly and
happily healed. But it is to exoner consciences, by protesting
against the defections of the land, especially of ministers. And
seeing we can, neither with safety to our persons, nor freedom
in our consciences, compear before their judicatories, while these
defections are not acknowledged and removed, so we must so
long decline them, and hereby do decline them, as unfaithful
judges in such matters : in regard they have, in so great a
measure, yielded up the privileges of the Church into the hands
and will of her enemies, and carried on a course of defection
contrar to the Scriptures, our Covenants, and the Acts and
Constitutions of this our Church.

And hereby we further protest and testify, against whatever
they may conclude or determine in their ecclesiastic courts, by
Acts, Ratifications, Sentences, Censures, etc., that have been, or

* Complicity. — Ed.

Appendix. 285

shall be, made or given out by them, and protest that the same
may be made void and null, and not interpreted as binding to
us, or any who desire firmly to adhere to the Covenanted Work
of Reformation.

But let none look upon what we have said to be a vilipending
or rejecting of the free, lawful, and rightly constitute courts of
Christ. For we do acknowledge such to have been among the
first most effectual means appointed of God for preserving the
purity, and advancing the power, of Reformation in the Church
of Christ. The sweet fruits and blessed effects whereof, this
Church hath sometimes enjoyed, and which we have been en-
deavouring and seeking alter, and are this day longing for.

We detest and abhor that principle of casting off the ministry,
wherewith we are odiously and maliciously reproached, by those
who labour to fasten upon us the hateful names of "schismatics,
separatists, despisers of the Gospel." But herein, as they do
bewray their enmity to the cause we own, so, till they bring in
their own principles and practices, and ours also, and try them
by the Law and Testimony, the measuring line of the sanctuary,
the Word of God, and the practice of this Church, when th-;
Lord kept house with and rejoiced over her as a bridegroom
over his bride, they can never prove us schismatics or separatists
from the Kirk of Scotland, upon the account of our non-union
with the backslidden multitude, ministers and others.

Finally^ that we may not be judged by any, as persons of an
infallible spirit, and our actions above the cognisance of the
judicatories of Christ's appointment : We appeal to the first ixtt^
faithful, and rightly constitute Assembly in this Church, to whose
decision and sentence, in the things libelled aganist us, we wil-
lingly refer ourselves, and crave liberty to extend and enlarge this
our Protestation, Declinature, and Appeal, as need requires.

JO. MACKMILLAN.

JO. MACKNEIL.
Balmaghie Manse,
.Sept. 24, 1708.

286 Appendix.

V.

An Elegy upon the much lamented Death of that
Religious and Virtuous Gentlewoman, Mrs.
Mary Gordon, Daughter to the Honourable
Sir Alexander Gordon of Earlstoun, and
Spouse, first to Edward Goldie of Craigmuie,
and thereafter to the Reverend Mr. John
M'Millan, Minister of the Gospel at Balma-
ghie ; who departed this life the fifth day of
May, 1723, and of her age the forty-third
year. Edinburgh: 1723.

[Reprinted from Mr. Macmath's copy, once in the library of Principal
Lee : a perfect and beautiful print of i6 pages, with deep mourning border.
An "Acrostick" at the close is also reprinted here. Though anonymous,
like all Macmillan's publications, the internal evidence leaves no room to
doubt that it is his work. The resemblance is marked between this " elegy "
and the epitaph in Balmaghie churchyard, both in rhythm and ideas.]

What dismal sound strikes mine affrighted ears !
What dumpish* looks I see ! what floods of tears !
Why stand such crowds of mourners all around ?
Why sighs and sobs from every breast resound ?
Why children, friends, attendants, all deplore
Their loss, and cry, Alas ! she breathes no more !
Why sinks her husband in heart-killing grief,
Which finds no vent, admits of no relief?

Ah ! cease your wonder : Why? This dismal blow
Gives just occasion for such mighty woe.

* Dumps and Dumpish, now words of comedy, were at this time of
serious import. — Ed.

Appendix. 287

Stay till the Lady's character you hear,
And on her hearse you'll surely drop a tear ;
You'll join the train of mourners, and confess
That all who knew her worth can do no less.

We pass her honourable, high extract.
From which envy itself cannot detract ;
For why* untainted honour and renown
Has always grac'd the House of Earlstoun ;
Since that the humble saint ne'er sought a name
Built on the trophies of ancestors' fame.
But chose their piety to imitate,
Rather than worldly greatness emulate. t

In youth, her godly mother's steps she trac'd.
And her good counsel readily embrac'd ;
And hence the virgin-saint became the heir
Of her rich graces and endowments rare.
Ev'n as the potter casts the clay, with ease,
Into what shapes soe'er his fancy please,
Her pious parents formed her tender age
With godly precepts and with counsels sage ;
And as the thirsty earth drinks up the rain,
To yield it back with rich increase again.
So she imbibed with pleasing readiness.
And did those precepts in her life express.
Indulgent Nature, like a palace fair.
Had deck'd her body with perfections rare ;
The inward beauties of her mind did glance.
With graceful mildness, in her countenance.

Her heav'n-born soul, ev'n in her tender years,
Began to feel those heart-awak'ning fears
Of hell and wrath, those Sinai's thunder-claps.
Which souls in deep distress and anguish wraps,!

* I.e., because. — EJ. t Compare the epitaph. — Ed.

J The singular verb to a plural noun is characteristic of Macmillan's style.
-Ed.

288 Appendix.

And binds 'em in law-fetters, till they see

Their need of Christ, and His sufficiency

To save from sin and from deserved wrath,

By virtue of His meritorious death.

To Him she fled. He was the only port

To which her tossed soul did make resort.

In all her straits, her conflicts, doubts, and fears.

She ran to Him with earnest pray'rs and tears,

And with a stedfast faith she did rely

Upon His grace and all-sufiiciency.

Hence, ardent love to precious Christ possessed

The cabinet of her unspotted breast,

Attended with pure love to all His saints.

His truths. His int'rests, cause and Covenants ;

With prudent, peaceful, stedfast, fervent zeal,

For Christ, His glory, and His Church's weal.

What tongue or pen * her graces can recite ?
In Christian virtues she was so complete ; —
Sweet-natur'd, yet not softly pliable,
Reserv'd, and yet discreetly affable :
Modest and humble, grave and temperate,
To poor and needy still compassionate :
Saving and frugal, but not covetous :
Could please her husband, and govern her house.
Yet could her heart and fittest hours reserve
Her God and Saviour dear to seek and serve.
There shone all virtues in her pious life,
Which grace the virgin, and adorn the wife ;
But true devotion always bore the sway,
Both in her closet and her family.

Just as the new-born babe, with earnest cries.
Demands the breast, which if it wants, it dies ;
Ev'n thus her thirsty soul long'd for the Word
And precious statutes of her lovely Lord.

* Compare Rutherford's epitaph in St. Andrews, said to have been writ-
ten by the well-known William Wilson of Douglas, who left Macmillan's
ministry in 1743. — E<^-

Appendix. 589

The Holy Bible was her heart's delight,

To read by day, to meditate by night.

As the chaste virgin doth with joy read over

Love-letters sent her from her dearest lover,

Thus she the sacred Scriptures entertain'd

As sweet love-letters from her choicest Friend —

Whilst many of her sex do love to gaze

On mortal beauty's little fading blaze,

Her chaste pure eyes delighted oft to look

"Within the volume of that blessed Book.

This was the mirror where she us'd to spy

Her nature's spots, and soul-deformity,

Which drove her straight to the true Jordan's flood,

The laver of her dear Redeemer's blood ;

Where, bath'd by faith, her soul did fairer show

Than purest wool, or whitest hills of snow.

Most of her rank this holy book despise :

Swine prize not pearls, nor these, heav'n's mysteries.

Give them romances, wanton songs and plays.

They throw the Bible by for holy days.

But not so she. This kept her company

In church, in closet, and in family.

Believe not us : trust your own eyes, and see :

Her own remarks the truth will testify.

Revolve her Bible : scarce you'll find a place

Which suits a poor afflicted sinner's case,

But you'll perceive it has been sweet to her,

And in her doubts and fears a comforter.

These latent marks will set before your eyes

The various turns of her soul-exercise :

These threat'nings witness her soul-wounding fears.

These penitential places, mark'd, her tears.

Her griefs and sorrows of a godly kind,

And deep distresses of a humbled mind.

The precepts, mark'd, say that her gracious will

His holy law was ready to fulfil.

She had His statutes graved on her heart,

And could not from His righteous way depart.

But most of all, she mark'd the promises,.

Which were her chief support in soul-distress.

290 Appendix-.

Upon God'5 gracious covenant she hung ;
Compar'd with Christ, all things were loss and dung
In her account : God's covenanted love,
And sweet communications from above,
Afforded her more comfort and content
Than all the gold and pearls of th' Orient.
Riches were only toys in her esteem,
The worldling's joys only a golden dream.
Eternal joy and glory was the prize,
And heav'n the goal, she set before her eyes.
She spurn'd beneath her feet this clod of earth,
And her ambition show'd her heavenly birth.
Which never spent itself in chase of fame.
Nor airy titles, and an empty name
Of worldly grandeur, dazzling vulgar eyes ;
But her ambition was, her Lord to please.
She liv'd at home, and carefully did scan
. Her own soul's case : she watch'd her inner man. ,
Gentle to others, to herself severe,
Her neighbour's failings patiently could bear
And hide beneath love's mantle ; but no way
Would she indulge her own infirmity :
Not like the mad professors now-a-days.
Who love on others' falls to build their praise ;
Censorious ones, who like abroad to roam,
And seldom search into their hearts at home.
And yet, she was no Gallio ; still she car'd
What way her Mother Church, poor Zion, far'd.
Look through the Prophets, how she mark'd each place
Judiciously, which toucheth Zion's case.
With her poor Mother Zion she laments
Departed glory, broken Covenants ;
And yet, in stedfast hope of better days.
Herself upon the promises she stays.

The Godly Remnant's case lay near her heart ;
In all their wrestlings still she bore a part.
She lov'd and honour'd all, who in the least
Her Father's image in their lives expressed ;

Appendix. 291

But those that were most zealous in His cause,
And made most conscience to observe His laws,
She prized most : their mean obscurity
Could ne'er make her despise their company.
She chose her lot * with these despised ones,
Whom she esteem'd the Church's truest sons ;
Which yet on her did no disgrace reflect,
But rather aggrandiz'd her just respect ;
For those that honour God shall honour'd be.
Whilst worldlings' glory turns to infamy.

It was her careful endeavour, through grace,
Still to fill up the duty of her place.
In each relation, daughter, mother, wife,
She led a holy and a useful life.
She hated idleness and luxury,
Superfluous cost and prodigality,
Our gentry's pests, rank nurseries of vice,
Which grows apace to a prodigious size
In these our sinning days, the dregs of time.
And stains our land with every horrid crime.
She was a pattern of that golden age,
When virtue acted nobly on the stage.
And did obtain the plaudit of the great,
Till shameless, daring vice usurped the seat.
Whilst dainty dames mind nought, but how to please
And pamper their proud flesh with wanton ease,
This Lady, like a lamp or candle bright.
Which spends itself in giving others light,
Laid out herself, how she might best promove
The good of others, by a generous love.
Hence, though of all the world she sought it least.
She gain'd a just esteem in eveiy bieast —
At least, the good and wise, who have the sense
To put a value on true excellence.

* Perhaps a reference to her marrying Macmillan, a deposed minister, and
himself of no exalted birth or origin. — Ed.

292 Appendix.

Her children, whom she did with care instruct,
And by her own example did conduct
In paths of virtue and true piety.
Which lead to blessed immortality,
And bred in each genteel accomplishment.
Which might be to their lives an ornament,
These, in the deepest gratitude, do all
Arise, and with one voice her Blessed call.

But most of all, her husband speaks her praise :
His dumpish * nights, his melancholy days,
His silent sobs, do vocally proclaim
How much he reck'ned her his diadem.
His joy, his comfort, and his sweet solace,
His sympathizing friend in ev'ry case.
Oh ! had you seen, when she departed hence,
His manly virtue struggling 'gainst his sense.
With what hard conflict reason did control
The mutinying passions of his soul.
Which did assault his mind with mighty shock,
As raging billows dash against the rock,
Which, though awhile it seem all covered o'er.
Yet keeps its station stedfast as before ;
Though nature seem'd to yield, yet divine grace
Could calm these surging waves ol grief apace.
Oh ! had you heard, when once his silence broke,
How he his spouse's commendation spoke : —

Might I complain (but God is just in all
The dispensations that His own befall :
Just, did I say ? nay. He is also good,
(If Providence we rightly understood),
I might lament : But none my loss can rate,
Deprived of such a pleasant, loving mate.
My sweet companion, and my pious wife.
The comfort of my solitary life.
Whose chaste affection and well-grounded love,

* See supra, p. 286. — Ed.

Appendix. 293

As it was ardent, so did constant prove :
The partner of my sp'ritual joys and cares,
Witness her frequent fasts and fervent pray'rs,
The constant supplications she did make.
Not only for her own, but for my sake : —
That I might be kept stedfast in the way
Of holiness and of pure verity :
That I might be supported and upheld
In that great work to which my Master call'd,
And make the savour known in ev'ry place
Of my Redeemer's love and boundless grace.
The Gospel's success was her constant care.
This she implor'd with many a fervent pray'r :
She knock'd with holy importunity,
Nor did her Lord her earnest suit deny.
Some can, I hope, from sweet experience
Tell how the Word was back'd with influence.
And I can say it, to free grace's praise,
That Sabbaths, since we met, prov'd pleasant days.
Those preparation-times she weekly kept.
Those watchful prayers and cries, whilst others slept,
Return'd not empty, but, like Noah's dove,
' Sweet olive-boughs of peace brought from above.
Though oft, along the week, she us'd to be
Detain'd abed by sore infirmity.
Yet on the Sabbath still she would arise.
As soon as morning-beams did gild the skies :
Which time she spent not, as most ladies use,
In costly dressing, of their time profuse,
But did with Mary Magdalen accord *
Betimes to seek a crucified Lord.
And hence she came the preached Word to hear
With longing heart, and with attentive ear.
The Word she counted her delicious food.
In it her soul found satisfying good.
Whilst many hearers only love the sound,
To her, it did with life and sap abound.

* A reference to her Christian name : compare epitaph. — -Ed.

294 Appendix.

To see the Word despised was her grief,
Whether through prejudice or unbelief;
To see the message kindly entertain'd
Afforded her content and joy of mind.

Ah ! when I call to mind those solemn days
Wherein we jointly used to pray and praise,
How, Jacob-like, she wept and wrestled so,
As not to let the Cov'nant-Angel go.
Till she attain'd the stedfast hope, that He
Would look upon His Church's misery.
And send His sinking Remnant such relief.
As would make joy succeed in place of grief,
The fainting spirits of His folk revive.
And cause poor Israel's dry bones to live.
When each disjointed bone shall come to bone.
And His poor people be unite in one : —
I can't but say, when this I call to mind,
That not poor I alone have lost a friend ;
The Church of Christ hath lost a pillar too :
No wonder, if the house begin to bow,
Whenas the strongest props are pull'd away.
As may be seen in this our dismal day.
Good cause have my poor flock of Balmaghie
To mourn their signal loss in losing thee !
And that small Remnant, scattered through the land.
To which I likewise in relation stand,*
Have lost a wrestler at the throne of grace.
Who sympathiz'd with their afflicted case.

Ah ! when those pleasant hours to mind I call,
When we convers'd on things spiritual,
With what sagacity and lively sense,
With what sweet feeling and experience.
She us'd to talk of her Redeemer's love,
Th' eternal world, and unseen joys above ;
It rapts my mind into an ecstasy
Of mixed joy and grief, to think of thee !

* Macmillan had been pastor of the United Societies since 1706. — Ed,

Appendix. 295

Her dear idea to my mind presents
All Christian virtues and accomplishments :
Deep self-denial, and humility,
Sure badges of true Christianity :
A cheerful, patient bearing of the rod,
Though sharp and sore, as from the hand of God :
Great readiness to pardon injuries,
When wrong'd by proud, malicious enemies ;
(For seldom doth a dandled Joseph live
Without some archers, him to wound andjgrieve :)
Her trust in God, and humble confidence
Upon her heavenly Father's Providence,
For rich supplies, to furnish all her wants :
Her love to precious Christ, and to the saints :
Sweet resignation to her Maker's will,
And readiness to render good for ill ;
In short, all lovely graces she possessed.
No virtue was a stranger to her breast.

And as she liv'd a saint, so did she die
With sweet composure and serenity.
Full well she knew of her approaching death,
And was prepared to resign her breath.
The Sabbath last, which she in time enjoy'd.
Though weak, in holy converse she employ'd.
Some* select Scriptures first she caus'd be read,
Then, in a sweet composed frame, she said : —
" Oft have I in my house of pilgrimage,
When all the gates of hell did seem to rage
'Gainst my poor soul, when all my deadly foes.
The Dev'l, the World, the Flesh, against me rose.
When heav'n above my head did seem to frown
With wrathful storms, and floods me swallow down,
. When Sinai's flashes from thick darkness broke,
And when law-threat'nings direful vengeance spoke :
Oft have I found my drooping sp'rits upheld.
And the Devourer's fiery darts repell'd,

* viz., Psal. 25, and Revel, ist, 2nd,. 3rd chapters.

296 Appendix.

By those sweet Scriptures : these have oft reviv'd

My sinking soul, and from distress reliev'd.

And now, in death, I find these words of truth

More sweet by far than honey to my mouth.

Now to the Lamb, that lov'd and washed me

In His own precious blood, all glory be !

But oh ! who can describe that massy love,

Which brought Him from His glorious throne above ?

A shameful, painful, cursed death to die

Upon the Cross ; and this for wretched me —

For me, a rebel, born an heir of wrath,

Justly obnoxious to eternal death !

When shall I join in endless harmony

With saints above. His love to magnify ?

The fight's near finish'd now : blest Jesus, come,

Give me my passport hence, and take me home ! "

He heard from heav'n, and granted her request,

For Sabbath next prov'd her eternal rest.

How much she had the work of God at heart,
Ev'n when her soul was ready to depart,
Was evident in her farewell to me,
Expressed with tender love and sympathy : —
"Farewell, my dear, since the divine decree
Forbids that I should longer dwell with thee :
Thy company to me was sweet indeed.
But new I go to mine exalted Head,
My best-belov'd Bridegroom, who's sweeter far
To me, than all created comforts are.
Farewell, my dear, be faithful to the end,
And Jesus Christ will prove thy trusty Friend.
Be stedfast in His cause and Covenant,
And thou support from heav'n shalt never want.
And now, my dear, heaven's blessing on thee rest —
I go to Christ, which is by far the best."
She spoke ; and in a trice her longing soul
Broke through the cage, and flew beyond the Pole,
Where now 'midst heav'nly choristers she sings
Eternal praises to the King of kings.

Appendix. 297

The sprightly babe, which leaji'd within her womb
Some hours before, now finds its bed a tomlx
And thus with double trial I'm assnil'd,
ljere(t of both my dearest spouse and child.*
But since the Lord Himself hath order'd it,
I'll to His just and holy will submit ;
Nay, at the providence I dare not grieve.
Since I have solid reasons to believe,
That, as their dust doth undistinguish'd lie.
Their souls did pass to heav'n in company :
His faithful cov'nant-promise doth proceed.
Not only to believers, but their seed.
Guilty it was, as Adam's progeny,
But grace, even in the womb, can sanctify.

And now, since my best earthly comfort's gone.
The world to me is more distasteful grown.
I long to get above the fleeting world.
Where with incessant motion all is whirl'd.
I long to have my firm and sure abode.
And be a pillar fix'd in th' House of God,
That upper House, where light and glory dwells.
Where the least saint the radiant sun excels.
When shall I stand before His glorious throne,
And see that high-exalted Three in One?
W^hom seraphs with veil'd countenance adore.
And martyrs cast their crowns His feet before.
When shall I join with dear relations gone.
And tune my harp to laud the Highest One
Whilst dwelling in this vale of misery,
Discordant jars oft mar our harmony ;
But in that goodly glorious mount above.
Nought dwells but perfect peace and perfect love.
Thither my longing soul sometimes aspires.
But sluggish flesh anon damps my desires.
Oh, when shall I from this dull flesh be freed,
And drink fresh pleasures at the fountain-head ?
Time, make swilt paces, waft me o'er the line, —
I nothing claim on this base earth as mine !

* He had no children by his first marriage — Ed.
U

298 Appendix.

ACROSTIC.

M ajestic mildness grac'd her countenance ;
A dmir'd endowments made her amiable,
K eligious really, not in pretence :
Y ielding to good, to ill uncounsellable.

G race rais'd her soul 'bove mean and vulgar aims,

O rder'd her steps in new obedience.

R enowned virtues were her brightest gems,

D evotion, join'd with frugal diligence,

O blivion's abyss shall not drown her fame ;

N or livid envy blast her balmy name.

A LETTER TO A DYING FRIEND.

[From a MS. in the New College Library, Edinburgh.]

Octr. 26, 1741.
My very deare friend,

I am sorry you are not in a case to travel, but what else
can you expect, considering your age and bodily infirmities ?
But a little more will bring you where you long to be, and then
you will say. Farewell all troubles ! But tho' then it will be
well with you, yet the cause of Christ will lose a friend, and
myself also. But tho' the godly may sinder for a little while,
yet they will meet again. Christ the great and good shepherd
will lose none of his flock. And that will be the heartsomcbt
time that ever the peoijle of God enjoyed, when they shall all
meet about the throne, tuning aye the praises of their most
lovely Redeemer. Up your heart then,* for the day of your
Redemption draweth near ! This with our love to you. Send
us word here, how you are, and if in any thing we can serve
you.

J. McMillan.

* Siirsiini coi da ! — EJ.

INDEX.

I N 1 ) E X .

Abjuration Oath, 182.
Absentees from Presbytery. 8r.
Ae, Carse of the Water of, 145.
Age at license, Macniillan's, 15 ; at

death, 207.
Airdsmoss, 23, 159.
Airie, 58.
Alehouses, 57.
Alexander, Helen, 146.
Alison, Adam, outed, 47.
Allegiance, Oath of, 102, 105.
^//tv- minister, meaning of, 170.
Altrye, '"Whig Hole" at, 19.
Animadversions of Presbytery, 130.
Ann paid, 155.
Apostates, what, 85.
Argyll, Earl of, 67.
Arminian texts, 199.
Arnclarroch, 17, 185.
Articles of libel. 127, 272.
Assertory Act, 11.
Associate Presliytery, 191.
Assurance of salvation, 199 ; Bond

of, 229.
Atonement, controversy regarding

the, 195.

Bairn, the twice-christened, 171.

Balmaclellan, Warner of, 66.

Balmaghie, parish of, in 1700, ch.
iii. ; Chapman, a " reidar," 46 ;
vicars of, 47 ; Kirk, a "'curate,"
47 ; the first Macmillan, 48 ;
Kirk-Session of, 48 ; (loor's
money, 57 ; scandals, 59 ; atten-
dance at church, 48 ; size of
church, 49 ; martyrs' stones, 49 ;

manse and glebe, 49, 50 ; sti-
pend, 50; site of manse, 51 ;
houses of the poor, 51 ; their
food, dress, and manners, 52,
53 ; the old plough, 52 ; shep-
herds watching sheep, 53 ; scene
on Sundays, 54 ; character of
people, 55 ; population. 56 ;
" benefit-men," 56 ; crofters,
57 ; tradesmen. 57 ; paupers, 57 ;
lairds, 58 ; state of morals, 59 ;
fast-day enforced, 59 ; chief
families, 60, 61 ; geneial descrip-
tion, 61-62.

M'Ghie of, 58 ; " Lady

Balmaghie," 137; M'Kie, "chap-
lain " at, 161 ; " Balmaghie's
curators," 155.

Place, a centre of popula-
tion, 56: preaching at, 150;
Holy Communion at, 75 ; Mac-
millan '•p05ed"at, 121.

Baptism, 98.

Barend, 161, }iote.

Barnboard, John Cunzie, Cunie, or
M'Kine, in, 60, 162.

Barncauchlaw, 11.

Beadle or beddel, 129.

Benefit-men, 56.

Bible, Macmillan's knowledge of the,
26.

Biographia Presbyterinna. 90.

Bishop, last, of Galloway, 79, 80.

Bishopric, deposition of any one
seeking a, 103.

Blednoch, 15rownie of, 96.

Boatcroft, 57.

Index.

Bond of Assurance, 229.
Bonnets, Kilmarnock, 52.
Books, Macmillan's stock of, 25,
of Reformed Presby. carried

off, 198.
Borgue, ^Ionteith of, 71.
Boston, Tliomas. of Ettrick, 15, 16,

20, 22, 25, 2S, 29, 39.

portrait of, 89.

Both well, 207.

Boyd of Dairy, 65 ; Wodrow's story

of, 42.
r.raehead. 190.

Ikass, mural, 10 Macmillan, 207.
Brea, Fraser of, 195.
Bribe offered to Macmillan, 154.
Bridge <jver Water of Dee, 85.
Bridlepaths, 192.
Broughton, Murray of, 28.
Brounhill or Broomhill, 197.
Bryden of Tongland, 77-124.
Burdens carried in creels, 53-
Burns. Kev. Thomas, on tokens, 181.
Buying and selling, 99.

Caldons, 17, 209.

Call, Macmillan's, 38 ; M'Kie's, 162;
by the United Societies to Mac-
millan, 144.

Cally, 28.

Cameron of Kirkcudbright, 67 ; con-
duct at the trial, 127 ; his
"Letter," 38, 271 ; and "Exa-
mination, 152; goes to Edin-
burgh in 17 15, 167.

Cameron, Richard, 23, 159, 212.

Campbell, Professor of Divinity in
1697, 25.

Campbell, John, before Macmillan's
Session in 1702, 59-

Carnsalloch, Johnstone of, 88.

Carnwath, 190.

Carse of the Water of Ae, 145.

Carsphairn, Semple of, 64, 90 ; Reid
of, 63, 115 ; ordination dinner
at, 87.

Cassencary, 167.

Castell, Glenlochar, 103.

Censures, privy, 81.

Chaplains in 1701, 29.

Chapman, " reidar " in 1567, 46.

Charters, Alexander, 61, 161.

Child-murder common in 1701, 100.

Church of Scotland, Macmillan's
reasons for entering the, 24, 44.

Churcli, Balmaghie, 49.

Clachanpluck, 36, 56, 81, 154, 162.

Claim of Kight,

Clark of Twynholm, 77.

Coleshill, sung at Macmillan's death-
bed, 202.

Collain, meaning oT^ 31.

Colleague, Macmillan's, 174, 177,
I So, 190, note.

Collections in 1701, 48 ; in 1794, 57.

College life of Macmillan, 22, 25.

Communion cups, 48 ; "occasions,"

95-

Common heads. 86.

Confession of Faith, Glenhead, 14.

Congregation in 1701, 48, 94.

Conventicles. 18.

Corbelly Hill. 135.

Correspondents, 85.

Cottages in 1701, 51.

Covenanters in churchyard, 49.

Covenant, National, 19, 86, 99, 127.

Cow, heather, 54.

Crawford, lohn, 176.

Craigencallie, 16, 209.

Creels, 53.

Crofters, 57.

Crops in 1701, 53.

("rossmichael, Murdoch of, 76 ; Gor-
don of, 195.

deposition at, 132.

Crucifix, 85.

Cullenoch, meaning of, 31.

Cunie or M'Kine, 60, 162.

Cunningham, Principal, on Macmil-
lan, 10.

Cup, Macmillan's 96.

Currie, James, 146.
John, 145.

Cuthbertson, John, 195, 197.

Daa, Marion, child-murderess, 100.
Daily prayer, 93.

hidex.

303

Dallash, 12.
Dalmellington, S7.
Dalserf, monument at, 20S.

Braehead of, 190.

Dalziell, William, 47.

Day of humiliation for Ringcroft

ghost, 70.

at Auchensaugh Hill, 1S5.

Death of Macmillan, 204.
December, memorable dates in, 36.
Declaration, Richard Cameron's, at

Sanquhar, 18 ; Renvvick's, 18.
Declinature, Macmillan's 129, 277.
Dee, Water of, 51 ; Bridge over the,

85 ; Semple's ride through the,

90.
Ploughshares thrown into,

165; " supply " crosses the, 151 ;

Sheriff-officers rowed across, 164;

Glebe riot on banks of, 165.
Degree, M.A., in 1700, 22.
Dinner, Presbytery, 87.
Divinity, how tauglit in 1700, 25.
Drumbeck, 47.

Drumlane, 161, nofd, 127, 276.
Duchrae, 72, 161, note, 167.
Dundrigh, 156.
Dyke levellers, 72.

Earlston, Sir Alex. Gordon of, 1S5.

Eastforth, 190.

Eastshields, 190.

Elder, Macmillan a ruling, 36 ; also

elder in Minnigaff, 16 ; number

of elders in Balmaghie in 1701,

48 ; elders who signed people's

protest, 60, 161.
Election of ministers in 1 700, 39.
Macmillan's, 37 ; M'Kie's,

161.
Election and Predestination, Eraser

of Brea on, 196.
Elegy on Mistress Mary Gordon,

208, 218.
Enslie, of Anwoth, tr. to Rotterdam,

76.
Epocha, what, 33.
Etlrick, Boston of, 15, 16, 22, 25,

28, 29, 39 ; people of, 54.

Ewart of Kells, 66.

Examination of Macmillan's Xaira-

i!ve, 152.
Exegesis, 25.

Fairfoul, John, 47.

Fairley, Rev. John, 2o5.

Falconer, of Kelton, 77.

Family names in 1703, 61.

Family worship, 84.

Famine in Galloway, 53.

Farms, size of, in 1700, 56.

Fasts, 59.

Food of peasantry in 1700, 51.

Fork, of Killallan, 1S9.

Forms or " beinks " for Communion,

125.

France, Church of, 102.

Eraser of Brea, 195.

Fuel in 1700, 51.

Funds raised for stipend, 50 ; for

manse. 190 ; for poor, 48.
Funeral, alleged scene at, 164.

Galloway, manners and customs of,
in 1700, 51-55.

— Macmillan a "Galloway

man," 11.

Gartshore, George, 76.

Garvarie, 163.

Gemble, Jean, 160, 164, 1S5, 208.

Gilchrist, Rev. James, 1 86.

Girthon, Johnston of, 76 ; Macmil-
lan an elder in, 36.

Glass, in windows of church, 49 ; of
houses, 51.

Glebe, size of, 50 ; Glebe riot, 165.

Glenhead, Confession of Faith at, 14.

— Macmillans of, 15.

Glenkens, ministers in, 63.

Goldie, Mrs. Edward, of Craigmuie,
185.

Gordon, Sir Alex., of Earlston, 185 ;
his vindication of his character
in Balmaghie Church, 185.

Mistress Mary, 185 ; elegy

on, 208 ; epitaph, 208.

Nathaniel, of Carleton, 168.

304

Index.

Gordon, John, last Bishop of Gallo-
way, 79.

of Crossmichael, 195.

Gown, Mrs. Macniillan's silk, 8g.

Greek, Macmillan's knowledge of, 26.

Gregory, Prof. James, 22.

Grennoch, or Woodhall, 163.

Grievances, Macniillan's, 107, loS.

Grieve, John, M.D., 207.

Grizel, INIacmillan's surviving daugh-
ter, 206.

Gumm, what, 189, note.

Habit of sackcloth, 82.

Halliday, David, 49.

Hall, James, 195, 197.

Hay, of Anwoth, 76, 124, 150.

Heather cow, 54 ; heather ale, 52.

Ilenshelwood, 190.

Hepburn, of Urr, 134; Hepburnites,

.235-

Heritors of Balmaghie in 1700, 58.

Heron, Patrick, of that ilk, 58.

Hill Burton, on Auchensaugh Reno-
vation, 183.

Holy Fair, 95.

Holland, students sent to, 20.

Holm, Spaldings of, 76.

Hour-glass with wings, 17.

House of Rimmon, i68.

Hutchison, Rev. Matthew, 18, 21,
194.

Incest common in 1701, loi.
Indulgences, 17, 19.
Innes, Rev. Hugh, 195.
Instruments, taking. 104.
Intercommuning, iS.

Jackson, Janet, 1S9.

Jacobites, Macmillan suspected of

intriguing with, 177.
Hepburn's relations with,

135-

Jedburgh, Lord, rebuked for "ban-
ning," 88.

Jephthah, Reid of Carsphaiin on,
118.

John, Macniillan's surviving son, 206.

John, Church of, at Cullenoch, 31.

Johnston, of Girthon, 76.

Jus divinum of Presbytery, 109.

Kalhren, Macmillan's second child,
205.

Kelks, Ewart of, 166.

Kilmarnock bonnets, 52.

Kiln, drying corn at, '59.

Kirk, James, a "curate," 47.

Kirk above Dee Water, 171, note.

Kirk-Session records of Halma»hie,
48.59; of Girthon, 36; of Minni-
g.aff,_i6.

discipline of, compared to Ro-
man confession and absolution,

59-
Kirkcudbright, Presbytery of, in
1701, ch. iv. ; number of mem-
bers, 62 ; parishes re-annexed,
62 ; Glenkens Coi'nmittee, 62 ;
Keid, 63: Boyd, 65; Warner, 66;
Ewart, 66 ; Cameron, 67 ; Tel-
fair, 68; Monteith, 71 ; Hay, 76;
Tod, 76 ; Murdoch and Gordon,
76 ; Johnston, 76 ; Bryden, 77 ;
Clark, 77 ; Falconer, 77 ; list of
members, 77-8; "father" of
Presbytery, 78.

Cameron of, 67.

Knockgray, ^T.

Ladles, 48.

Lady Balmaghie, 137.

Lamloch, 87.

Latin, Macniillan's use of, 25 ; text-
books in, 25.

Laurieston, formerly Clachan(iluck,
31, 56, 8t, 154, 162.

Lauristone, Elizabeth, 47.

Lecture and sermcm, 93.

Letter to the parishioners by Camerf)n
38, 271.

Macmillan's, to a heritor,

154 ; to a dying friend, appendix.
List of Presbytery in 1701, 77.
Lining, Thomas, 20, 42.
Linktown, 191.

Index.

305

Livingstone, 16S.

Lord Justice-Cleric's advice to the
Presbytery. 166.

I\Lick, John, 139.

Macmichael, James, shi:ots a " cu-
rate, "65.

Macmillan, John, first of name in
Balmaghie, 47 ; his ill-health,
48 ; his family receive a year's
stipend, 155 ; his son James,
167, note.

John, allcr minister of

Balmaghie, 170 ; reasons for
biography of, 10, 11 ; mentioned
in Cunningham's History, 10 ;
a " man of presence," 10 ; why
called "Apostle," 10, 192; a
" Galloway man," 11 ; his birth-
place, II ; boyhood, 17 ; age at
license. 15; "chaplain" at
Brougliton, 28 ; of the family of
Arndarroch, 17 ; his early asso-
ciations, 18; education at school
and college, 20 ; his reasons for
entering the Revolution Church,
24 ; takes AT. A. degree, 22 ; his
divinity studies and teachers, 25 ;
his scholarship, 26 ; his piety,
27, 219; his "trials for license,"
30-33 ; ^nd for ordination, 38 ;
his call to Balmaghie, 38 ; elder
in Girthon, 36 ; his ordination,
40 ; his vows at ordination, 43 ;
his object in entering Church,
44 ; his first sermon, 48 ; his
care of poor, 48 ; strictness in
discipline, 95 ; his sermons and
pastoral work, 94 ; at Com-
munion " occasions," 95 ; his
" Cup," 96 ; his popularity in
Balmaghie, 97 ; first rupture
with Presbytery, 104 : he tables
the " Grievances," 106 ; accepts
an agreement, I18 ; dealt with
by Presbytery, iiS ; his utter-
ances at Balmaghie Church, 1 19 ;
is "posed" by a Committee at
Balmaghie Place, 122 ; libelled

for " calumniating " the Presby-
tery, 126 ; preaches at the Visi-
tation, 122 ; refuses to sign a
second agreement, 126 ; is ac-
cused by Cameron of perjury,
127; his "declinature," 129;
deposition, 132 ; negotiations
with United Societies, 138; with
Hepburn of Urr, 134 ; with ihe
General Assembly, 140 ; his
" submission " to the Assembly,
141 ; and lo the United Socie-
ties, 143 ; his call from the
Societies, 144 ; his first sermon
as Pastor, 147 ; publishes the
"True Narrative," 142; and
rejoinder to Cameron's " Exami-
nation,'' 152 ; his indignant
letter to a heritor, 154; sends
his "declinature" to the Com-
mission, 160; is excommuni-
cated, 160 ; alleged collisiim
with APKie, 164 ; goes to Carn-
wath, 190 ; to Dalserf, 190 ;
his marriages, 1S9 ; work at
Auchensaugh, 177 ; forms a
Presbytery, 191 ; " tables "
Fraser of Brea, 197 ; last days
and death, 200; his favourite
texts, 202 ; his children and
descendants, 205 ; his monu-
ments, 207 ; his character, chan.
xiii.
Macmillan, John, junior, of Sand-
hills, 206.

James, a l)rother, VVod-

row's story of, 17 ; ^ witness of
libel served, 126 ; his grave at
Minnigaff, 17.

Alexander, 161.

Macmillan Church, Castle Douglas,

1 1 , note.
Hall, Newton-Stewart,

12, note.
Macmillans of Glenhead, 15 ; of

Palgown, 12.
Macmillan gravestones in MinnigafY

churchyard, 17.

3o6

Index.

^Tacneil, John, Macmillan's colleague,
174, 177, I So, 190, note.

Malignants, 246.

Manual exercise, practised by Socie-
ties, 1S4.

iMonse, Macmillan's, 49.

Marriage, Macmillan's, with Jean
Gemble, 166 ; with Mistress
May Gordon, 185 ; with Grace
Russell, 189 ; a cause of dis-
sension in the General Meeting,

174-

■ M'Kie's romantic, 16S.

of Macmillan's co-pres-
byters, 88.

Marshall, Rev. Alex., 191.

Martyrs in Balmaghie churchyard,
49 ; at the Caldons, 209 ; in
Kells, 19.

Matriculation Register, 1695, 20.

Maxwell, Col. William of Cardoness,
58.

Meetings of Presbytery, when, 80 ;
at Crossmichael, Dec. 29-30,
1703, 129 ; at Clachan pluck,
81 ; at Polsack, 81 ; and at
Cullenoch, 81 ; for privy cen-
sures, 81 ; held in Cameron's
"chamber" at Kirkcudbright,
67 ; at New Galloway, 106 ; for
visitation of parishes, 84.

Meeting, General, Minutes or "Con-
clusions " of the, 174; place of
Assembly, Crawfordjohn, etc.,
190.

r^Ien of the ?*Ioss-hags, 14 note, 217.

Minnigaff, 209.

Mitchell, Hugh, 162.

Monteith of Borgue, 71.

Monument at Dalserf, 207.

Mundell, James, 145.

Munn, what, 51.

'Murder, chikl, common in 1701, loo.

Murderess, Macmillan appointed to
be with a, at her execution, 100.

Murray's monument, 209.

M' Bride, John, 79.

M=Clacharty, 61.

M'Ghie, of Balmaghie, 98 ; of .Slog-
arie, 99 : of Airie, 58.

Hew, 47.

M'Guff)g, George, in Drumlane, 276.

M'Kie, William, of Balmaghie, a
licentiate of Kirkcudbright Pres-
bytery, 161 ; " chaplain " at
Balmaghie Place, 161 ; ordained,
163 ; wounded in the Glebe
Riot, 165 ; his temporary church
and manse, 168 ; his marriage,
16S ; his son, Nathaniel, 90 ; his
character, 168 ; his monument,
49 ; charges against him dis-
missed, 162.

M'Kine, or Cunie, or Cunzie, in
Barnboard, his stone, 60 ; brings
a charge against M'Kie, 162.

M'Quhan, Adam, a martyr, 19.

" Nae dominies for me, laddie!"
song, said to be by Nathaniel
M'Kie, 91.

Nairn, Rev. Thomas, joins Macmil-
lan, 191.

National Covenants, 99 ; sworn at
Auchensaugh, 179 ; at Crawford-
john, 194 ; at Borland Hill, 175.

Oath of .Allegiance, 102, 105.

Abjuration, 182.

Ordination of Macmillan, 41 ; of
M'Kie, 163 ; of Cuthbertson,
195 ; of John Mncmillan, junior,
195.

Palgown, 12.

Papists, 85.

Parish of Balmaghie described, 61.

Peirson, Peter, a "curate," shot, 65.

Piety of Macmillan, 27, 219.

Place of public repentance, 83.

Plough in 1700, 52 ; ploughs cast

into the Dee, 165.
Poet, Macmillan a, 21 8.
Polsack, 81, 31.
Poor's money, 48, 57, 125.
Popery, laws against, 85.
Porteous Roll, 166.

Index.

307

I'ower, intrinsic, of Church Courts,

loS.
Preaching-tent, I So, note.
i'reaching-matches, 35.
I'resliytery, meetings of. So.

Reformed, 191.

Psahn xlii., quoted by Macmillan on

his death-bed, 203.
I'urleycueing, what, 96.

Quakerism, 217.
Queen Anne '"debarred," 181.
Queries al visitations, 84.
Questions for discussion at Presby-
tery, 86.
Quintinespie, 38, 58.

Razors, not used by peasantry, 54.
Recruiting Cameroniansin Dahy, 65.
Reid of Carspliairn, 63.
Remains of old Bahnaghie Church,

49-
Rendezvous of United Societies, 184.
Renovation of Covenants, 175, 179,

194.
Rimmon, House of, 168.
Ringcroft ghost, 68.
]\iot. Glebe, 165 ; at Barnboard, 162.
River Dee, 51, 151.
Roman Catholics or I'apists dealt

with, 85.
Rowatt or Rouet, 206.
Rufty, 54.

Rule, Professor of Hebrew, 25.
Russell, Grace, 189.

Sabbath-breaking, 100.

Salvation, F'raser of Brea on, 196.

Sandhills, 206.

Sanquhar Declaration, 18.

Saturday described, 54.

.Schism, a parish, ch. x.

Schools in 1 700, 85.

Scots Magazine, 13.

Semple, John, of Carsphairn, 64, 89.

Shankfoot, 57.

Shirts, scarcity of, in Galloway, in

1700, 52.
Short, George, 49.

.Slater, a fraudulent, 125.
.Slogarie, 99.
.Smith, Robert, 146.
Snood, 52.

Societies, United, 17.
.^ondewal, 156.
So wens, 51.

.Spalding, of Parton, 76, 41.
Stipend of lialmaghie in 1700, 50.
Submission, Macmillan's, 14 v
.Subscription to Confession of Faith,
86.

^ to Covenants, 86.

Sunday in Balmaghie, 1700, 54.
Swearing, profane, 99.

Table, Communion, 125.

Tablet, brass, to Macmillan, 207.

Teind uplifted by heritors, 155.

Telfair, of Rerrick, 67.

Thorburn, Rev. John, 207.

Thomson, Rev. [. IL, 9, 14, note,
29.

Dr. Andrew, on " chap-
lains," 29.

Tobacco in 1700, 52.

Tod, of Buittle, 76, 103.

Tokens, at Balmaghie, 96 ; at Auc-
hensaugh, I So.

T(jmbs(ones of Macmillan family in
Minnigaff, 16.

"Toys," 52.

Trials for license, 30; for ordination,

" True Narrative," by Macmillan,

152, appendix.
TuUoch, Piincipal, age at license, 15.
Turks, captives among the, 84.
Turretin, 25 ; appendix.

Umpherslon, Charles, 146, 198.
Union, protestation against the, 173.
United Societies, 17.
Urr, Hepburn of, 135 ; drilling near
manse of, 184.

Vagrants, 55.

Vicars in Balmaghie, 47.

3o8 Index.

Visitation, 84; of Balmagliie, 120. i Waulk Mill, 52, note.

Visions seen by Monteith, 73. I Whey, 52 ; Whigs, 157.

Williamson, Catherine, 34.

Wadsett, 190. Wilson, Gabriel, 161 ; William, 1S7.

Walker, Patrick, 89. Witchcraft, 99.

Warner, of Ealmaclellan, 66. " W'olf in a sheepskin," 19S.

Water of Dee, 85, 90. |

THE END.

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